next several hours, civil war scholars discuss a range of topics but first a look at the mississippi homefront during the civil war with university mississippi professor susanna. >> i want to get right to the speaker. we are so happy to have her here and she's been so gracious to come in with coming in and giving the first speech. the professor of history and codirector ofs the center for te study of war and society of southern mississippi, scholar of warr and society the author of numerous books and articles on the civilil war era including te latest monograph texas brigade which we just talked about today. of the soldiers and families of the confederate's most celebrated unit her latest work is graduated in the field of digital humanity so i'm pleased to introduce susanna. [applause] it's good to be back. thank you for that warm welcome and for having me. this is i'm out of practice in a room ofnd people and i have to t a powerpoint going. for what issues i did or did not come prepared on. but chris and the c-span crew bailed me out. it's good to see you all. i'm going to start my timer because i will be having so much fun i mi

several hours civil war scholars will discuss a range of topics but first it's a look at the mississippi homefront during the civil war with university of southern mississippi professor susannah ural. >> i i want to get right to our speaker. we are so happy to have susannah ural here, and she's been so gracious to come in with, coming in and actually getting our first speech tonight. susannah ural is professor of history and codirector of the dale center for the study of or in society at the university of southern mississippi, scholar of war and society, she's a author of numerous books and articles on the u.s. civil war era, including the latest monograph hoods texas brigade which we just talked about today at seven days. soldiers and families of the

of sending troops to back the desegregation against. george was in mississippi, in a very violent confrontation. he said his deputies and troops marshals down there to desegregate the university of mississippi. these are 2 significant things, alienated much of the south. and on top of that, didn't want to go to vietnam, was, was rowing quietly from vietnam, but did issue a statement issue. and sam didn't want to want to have a day, thomas cuban he signed the nuclear, the nuclear treaty was russia for christ sake. no president, he could have changed american war with those just those actions alone plus in africa and asia into it, within donasia. in europe, even with the goal. he was trying to liberalize china in italy, which was going to very conservative. one of the opening to the left he wanted to bring in the left, the socialists and all these moves terrified a certain group of people in the united states caught a reactionary block. you remember the movie 7 days, and this is the reactionary block that coalesced around this general who read linda, could a talk in the book, kennedy. it was living through this and he himself said, if i go up again, if i have another cuban miss

several hours civil war scholars will discuss a range of topics but first it's a look at the mississippi homefront during the civil war with university of southern mississippi professor susannah ural. >> i i want to get right to our speaker. we are so happy to have susannah ural here, and she's been so gracious to come in with, coming in and actually getting our first speech tonight. susannah ural is professor of history and codirector of the dale center for the study of or in society at the university of southern mississippi, scholar of war and society, she's a author of numerous books and articles on the u.s. civil war era, including the latest monograph hoods texas brigade which we just talked about today at seven days. soldiers and families of the confederacies most celebrated unit here for latest work is grounded in the growing field of digital humanities are some very pleased to introduce susannah ural. [applause] >> thanks, everybody. it is good to be back. thank you for that wonderful welcome and for having me. y'all, this is -- i'm out of breath this is awesome, a room full of people and i've got to get a powerpoint going. i

mississippi can receive the care they need in their communities. mr. guest: i'm proud to partnership between two universities in my districts to improve health outcomes in rural communities across our state. the university of mississippi medical certainty, our state's only academic medical center, and mississippi state university with its land grant mission and extension expertise are partnering on critical health care and public health challenges and are working together to meet the health care needs of their fell mississippians. i am grateful for mississippi's role in advancing rural health care and the selfless service of our health care providers. thank you, madam speaker. i yield back. the speaker pro tempore: for what purpose does the gentleman from new york seek recognition? mr. espaillat: madam speaker, i ask unanimous consent to address the floor for one minute. extend my remarks. the speaker pro tempore: without objection, the gentleman is recognized for one minute. mr. espaillat: madam speaker, i rise today to commend my colleagues for acting to tackle the climate crisis. under president biden's leadership wire ak scel rating america's effort to combat our world's largest existential threat, glo

to the point of his -- mississippi state university, which is near pittsburgh. >> you called, him i think, the anti politician. and -- -- >> he did not vote for himself. he -- he was not a self promoter at all, in the least. and he was this guy who was so self deprecating, so self effacing, that before he was running for president -- it comes from his mom, who despised pomp and circumstance and formality to the point where she was seen sweeping her front porch when he was being inaugurated. she did not go to the inauguration. she hated all the pomp of all of that. and she actually -- reminds me a lot of eisenhower's mom, who was the exact same way and didn't really care that he was the winning general of world war ii. so, maybe there's something in the mom -- not that into it. but, quick story -- and he's getting his fourth star, lincoln calls him up from washington and he brings his some fred. and grant does not dress well. he's got a rumble-y uniform. he's got muddy boots. and he walks into the hotel -- that's a real fancy hotel in washington, next to the white house. and he walks in an

of american history, harvard university professor henry louis gates junior discussed the importance of the church in black communities. >> the majority black state, south carolina, louisiana, mississippiwhere they were majority black states and ground zero for the black community during reconstruction was charleston south carolina, and georgia, alabama were almost majority black states, so there was a concentration of black power as jim clyburn said to me in the film in those six or seven states and that was true even before the civil war. south carolina's nickname was negro country because it was so full of black people and that of course was because of the economy and the productivity of rights and expertise to south carolina. there was also the pre- black community. now we know that the first nomination was formed in philadelphia by richard allen, and it's formally born in the year 1860. while, in charleston, there is the church in 1822 a man as you know was accused of plotting and insurrection. how did he get free? this is one of the ironies of history and complexity of slavery he was enslaved in 1799 and later the lottery like he plays the grocery store and he won $1,500 and used

considered even in the south is somebody who was well respected to the point of his presidential library at mississippi state at the university which is near pittsburgh. near vicksburg. >> he's like the anti-politician and this was really interesting but reveal who grant voted for four president when grant ran for president. >> he's did not vote for himself. he wrote in names and he was not a self promoter at all. in the least. he was this guy that was so self-deprecating and so self-effacing that before he's running for president and by the way it comes from his mom who despised pomp and circumstance and formality to the point where she was seen sweeping her front porch when he was being inauguration. she did not go to the inauguration. she hated all of the pomp and all of that and she actually, crossing books here, he reminds me a lot of the eisenhower's mom who is the exact same way and didn't really care that he was the winning general of world war ii. so maybe there's something in the mom that is just not that into it. lincoln called him up to washington and he brings his son fred and grant does not dress well. he's got

floyd and i've been talking to people and last month i was in jackson, mississippi talking to a recent graduate of tupelo universitytbooks to slavery and civil war section, we hear about different confederate soldiers and generals every single year. but then we get to black history month and you hear about rosa, pas, malcolm x and martin luther king every year for 12 years as if they were the only three, you know, blacks heos of the country. but every year there is different confederate and -- like soldiers and generals that are being praised by these teaches in the classroom as if they were heros. well, they might be heros to you, but they weren't heros to me. >> i thought that that was very compelling. the argument that you make differently by saying that this is actually our history. let's actually teach it. it can't possibly hurt us to know our history. it can only hurt us not to know our history. >> absolutely. because the truth is, we are living with the legacy of that history whether we acknowledge it or not. and by not learning about that history, it actuallyrenders us in-capable. and we segregate or histor

universally educated. there is a pattern that a lot of african-americans did not carry the names of their former enslavers. in alabama and mississippi, it's much more common that african-americans carry the surnames of their former enslavers. there is tradition that goes as follows. the biggest slave master at the end of the civil war, his name is william ball. he owned 12 plantations and enslaved 900 people. did not, actually, he actually presented himself to huge meetings of the former ball slaves and said, do not take my name. perhaps he did this in a strict way or perhaps he was more gentle about a request. i just don't know. his desire was that former ball slaves do not carry the name ball. in 95% of the cases, former ball slaves do not carry the name ball. it's about 1 in 20 that did use the name ball. i don't believe it's widely true. this was a point in the life of man and a woman and they had this enormous sense of possibility and they could select a name of their own choosing. use it publicly and use it legally and share it with their children. millions of african-americans chose names. in the case of the low country famil

not universally educated but there is this pattern a lot of the country african-americans did not carry the surnames of their former enslavers. and other parts of the south, alabama and mississippi it is much more common that they carry the surnames of their former enslavers in the way devolved is this. there is oral tradition in the ball family that goes as follows, the biggest slave master at the end of the war is william ball who owns 12 plantations and enslaved 900 people, did not actually -- presented himself to huge meetings of the former ball slaves and said do not take my name. perhaps he did this in a strict way or perhaps he was more gentle about a request, i just don't know but his desire was the former ball slaves do not carry the name ball. in 95% of the cases former ball slaves do not carry the name ball, one in 20 did use the name ball. i think this is something more common than is generally acknowledged throughout the self, conventional understanding is african-americans carry the names of their former enslavers but i don't believe it is widely true because this was a point in the life of a man and a woman when they had this enormous sense of possibility and they

universally educated. but there is this pattern that a lot of low country african americans, that they did not carry this or names of their enslavers. in other parts of the south, alabama and mississippi, it is much more common that african americans carry this or names of their former enslavers. and i think that the way it evolved is this. there is oral tradition in the ball family that goes as follows. the biggest slave master at the end of the civil war's william ball, who owns 12 plantations and enslaved 900 people, he did not actually -- he actually presented himself to huge meetings of the former all slaves and said, do not take my name. perhaps he did this in a strict way or perhaps he was more gentle about the request. i just don't know. ore but hid his desire was that former ball slaves do not carry the name ball. so, a 95% of the cases, former balls slaves did not carry the name ball. they are 20 that did. they use the name ball. i think that this is actually something that is more common than is generally acknowledged. the conventional understanding that african americans carry the names of their former enslavers, i don't believe that it is widely true, because this was a p

historically black universities that say we're not going to fly this flag because it is a symbol of slavery, do you think about their point of view? >> it is the state flag of mississippio that? >> i don't see the pain in the symbol. >> new orleans is just the latest city to start taking down controversial monuments many say celebrates slavery and the confederacy. >> wore here to celebrate the taking down of the jefferson davis statue here in new orleans, tonight. these were all jim crow era statues meant to emphasize that white people are in control. >> is there any value in -- >> there is no value in keeping those statues. there is value in remembering what the statutes were put up for. >> what do you say to the people across the street marching with flags. >> i don't say nothing. they are not on my radar. they are unredeemable. >> we pray that those attacking our heritage may repent of their sins. we pray oh, lord that truth of history would triumph. >> i feel like the country never really reunified after the war in a way that included all of its citizens, right. maybe taking down these statues now could help us reunify. >> but don't try to take away history because

especially proud that a provision that i had with senator wicker of mississippi to enable our historically black colleges and universities and other minority-serving institutions to be involved in training the workforce and creating the innovations that we'll need to make this infrastructure investment was included in the bill. i want to give special thanks to my virginia colleague, mark warner, who i think was sort of an unsung hero in the negotiations around the infrastructure bill. the impact of the bill is going to be felt in virginia for generations. billions for roads and bridges, ports and dredging, airports, rails to trails, railroad, climate resilience and broadband, energy grid modernization, waste and waste water infrastructure, the infrastructure bill contained a significant investment for chesapeake bay cleanup. that really matters to us. and a significant investment in the appalachian regional commission. that really matters to southern and western virginia, the parts of our state that are in appalachia. allocating these dollars to states so that they can in smart ways will allow them to prioritize use of t