the world. we're on a cusp of revolution and it may start as revolutis often do in california from unexpected place. >> remember jarvis proposition 3. the reaganolution started in california. what about the largerssue? rick himmed at it. you can't be a public school teacher without being member of the union. shouldn't that change? >> i don't think that somebody represented by a union should be compelled to pay for the politicking. i do think they should be compelled to pay for bargain ing. to say otherwise is allowing freeloading. that's like me saying because i'm a republican and i voted against your property tax increase, i opt out of property tax. rick is right about this. >> i don't think rick is right about this. >> shocking. >> i think individuals should have the right -- it is shocking, rick. i think individuals should have the right to join or not. >> that is right. >> why not have the opt in and let the union make the case, using the money well. if people aren'tonvinced by it, they should be able to withdraw. this is supposed to be once upon a time, voluntary association. >> collective bargaining with whom? taxpayers, property tax goi

of ninety percent there's a lot of revenue coming in from america's fact cats and now after the reagan revolution of the one nine hundred eighty s. those top tax rates are considerably lower now in the upper thirty percent range and government deficits have grown in coffers supporting social welfare programs have run dry. this fiscal imbalance combined with this i know randian ridicule of poor americans emanating from republican politicians and their media mouthpieces are the underpinning of the conservative assault on the war on poverty fifty years after its inception and while it might be difficult to change this cultural phenomenon which is demonizing the poor in america today it is relatively easy to fix the economic imbalance that's bankrupting efforts to alleviate poverty in america and the easy fix is to just roll back the reagan tax cuts and make america's billionaires pay their fair share in the war on poverty once again and that is the subject of tonight's daily to. for the past thirty two years americans have been living a lie it's a lie that helps rich people and screws working people

certainly, the reagan revolution was all about that. , think even conservatives now if conservatives are starting to gap in thes radical opportunities for the middle , something wepoor never see discussed in the campaign at a more -- campaign anymore, and the opportunities are much more. it is horrendous. it is bad for the country. it is but economically. it has to be addressed. if they can be addressed through legislation, he is determined to do it through the bully pulpit. > hussy have -- does he have -- at the same time, he is those who fund political campaigns. lost on barack obama. >> you suggest how he has three points to come out. he will show his gratitude for being there. then he will make the long-term end, its as to in the is the long-term view that matters. >> that is hard to do. this is been the rhetorical mantra of the obama presidency from the start. we do not get hot up in the day- to-day. somehow we are always in it for the long game. that is the phrase. to some, that strikes them as tremendously high-minded. when it comes to foreign policy, or something like the oppo

there was this idea that he was uniquely suited that really intensified with the reagan revolution beginning in fact, the nature of the landscape is such, the nature of the congress is such that systemically, it hasn't been broken one bit. in fact, you could easily argue that the republican party, especially, has radicalized even more with the rise of the tea party. that hasn't eased. >> no. and it will be interesting to see how the candidates of 2016 try to credibly sell the message that somehow they're going to be able to break a cycle that maybe we're in that may be unbreakable. it is the tour de force. >>> six suspects, four of whom are being called blk widows. picks have been released of those who may be plotting to attack the winter olympic games. chief foreign correspondent richard engel joins live from moscow with the latest. richard, obviously, this is -- they seem to be almost on the four -- the ten most wanted list of russia, as an equivalency of that. let's ask the basic question here. are our athletes secure in sochi? >> reporter: well, it's very difficult for me to answer that.

policy back to what alexander hamilton put in place in 1793, and stood until the beginning of the reagan revolution, now to all these other now for, captain mack, all these things, iverson to go back to the fundamentals. it's not like we have to call of sweden and tell us how to run a country, we did this in this country. in fact, we have done it three times since 1776. we had three your cycles and each one we got better. we figured it out. it's all right there in history books. occasion you will find someone who holds it up nicely tells you about it. so that i think, frankly, is the good news. the bad news is that the crash of to those made has not ended. obama came into office and was able to stop the bleeding, but none of the fundamentals have been changed. power is still teetering like this. mass evacuation of wealth at the top. and ecosystem that has broadened, a jungle, a force, broad and diverse, strong and resilient. and ecosystem that is monoculture, a weak field of a single genetic species of weeds is very vulnerable to locus and dropped. so the same thing with the economy. we've got an e

reagan wouldn't have agreed with that in this sense, that what -- he saw the economy, not in terms of taxing and spending, but in terms of growth or a failure of growth. and what the reagan revolution in the economic policy achieved was a resurgence of growth, of economic growth. growth really is the only way out of the kind of deficit trap that we're in. and i do certainly agree with david stockman that there was a failure in the reagan years, and in the bush years, to contain federal spending. reagan -- >> why? why was that? >> well, because it's very difficult to contain federal spending and if it's not your only priority then it's difficult to make sure that it happens, because it's easier to achieve other important things. >> you say you're scared to death of the debt. >> well, scared to death of the debt, i think the debt is a very big problem. i think that the trajectory of health care spending, which is distinct from the debt but related to it, is a very, very big problem, because that really becomes impossible to contain in the coming decades, even if -- even if it grows at rates that are lower than what they were in the last decade and health care spending has slowed some

the reagan revolution was a revolution of ideas. we are now in the kind of late mannerism face of the reagan revolution in which resentment is far more prominent for ideas for the most part in congress and especially in the house of representatives. and that is important. where we are in a moment of history is important on how a presidency gets -- >> you had great line in there. you said that you had people that thought they got elected carrying a mantle of ronald reagan but they lacked a skill set. >> ideological -- i would say plexibility. again, a lot i don't agree with. the idea that ronald reagan would find a way to come to a political relationship with somebody like gorbachev and change history in the way he did and i give gorbachev the lion's share of the credibility. >> that is a horrible mistake on you. i'm joking. you could also say -- >> historical credit goes to reagan for that. >> and raising taxes and save social security. >> both had -- ronald reagan knew that social security was an extremely popular program. >> let's

but each shooting then provided the embe we discuss for creating their presidential legacies, kennedy's camelot, and reagan's revolution. in the fall of 1963, kennedy's job approval rating had dropped to 56%, the lowest point of his presidency, and it seemed destined to fall even more. much of this was from his loss of white support in the south over the issue of civil rights, but vennly, the nation seemed -- generally, the nation seemed stalled. kennedy had not won even 50% of the popular vote in 1960 and was sure he would lose the entire south in 1964, a region he had carried in 1960. and he worried many other states were at risk as well. look magazine was just one of many publications that ran articles in the fall of 1963 that explained kennedy could lose his re-election bid. kennedy's entire legislative package in congress -- not just civil rights legislation, but also proposals for tax cuts, health insurance for the elderly, federal funding for education, foreign aid and just routine appropriations -- were stalled and going nowhere. in words that will seem too familiar today, the columnist walter litman worried th

the impetus to grading their legacy. kennedy's camelot and reagan's revolution. in the fall of 1963, kennedy's job approval rating had dropped to 56%, the lowest point of his presidency. it seemed destined to fall even more. much of this was from his loss of wide support in the south over the issue of civil rights i generally the nation seemed to stall. kennedy had not one even 50% of the popular vote in 1960 and was sure he would lose the entire south in 1964, a region he carried in 1960. he worried many other states were at risk as well. "look" magazine which is one of many publications that ran articles in the fall of 1963 that explained kennedy could lose his reelection bid. kennedy's entire legislative package in congress, not just civil rights but also proposals for tax cuts, health insurance for the elderly, federal funding for education, foreign aid and just routine appropriations, were stalled and going nowhere. in words that will sink to the move today, the columnist walter lippman worded the congressional dysfunction in 1963 seemed a grave danger to the

is the argument we've been having since the beginning of the republic about the nature of that and certainly reagan revolution was all about that but i think even conservatives now, even conservatives are starting to look at this radical gap in the opportunities for the middle-class, lower middle-class and the poor, the poor is something we never see discussed in a campaign anymore in any serious way. and the opportunities for my children and yours. and it's horrendous. it's bad for the country. it's bad morally. it's bad economically and it has to be addressed. if it can't be addressed through legislation, he's determined to do it through the bully pulpit and through other means. >> rose: does he have the kind of -- >> at the same time, some of these things he's addressing while rattling the cup in the houses of the very wealthy who fund political campaigns. the hypocrisy of the system and the activity is not lost on anyone, including barack obama. >> you suggest how he has three points that have come out, first he'll try to show his gratitude for being there with some personal references, then he'll make th

the iraqi women how to fight human rights in their constitution. you claim to get there because right after the revolution i didn't know the husband but the wife worked for reaganvolunteered to do these things because freedom throughout the world is important, politics as a sport, as a career, a lot of people involved in it. and did not understand a word that james is the same except he said one thing he got, a you finish this the hardest thing a lot. one of my favorite stories is an old friend of mine, asked to meet with a man who was running for president of afghanistan. so talking to him, richard holbrooke at the state department, is there any problem with me in the u.s. working for this guy? james is the finest man i know. doing little investigation, a fine guy. i know he can't pay me, can't pay my air fare. you are a member of the kennedy generation, you have to go. john kennedy, i guess i got to go. so i told him. i go to kabul and try to stay in his house and write a campaign plan and on the way out gives me a rock. two weeks later i got reimbursed for my effort which was not a bad deal. at least i wasn't out 13,000 grand for the ticket. >> you want to h

the iraqi women how to codify human rights and icons to shame. we did ukraine together because right after the revolution, i didn't know that has been come out so wife works for reaganu do these things. you volunteer to do these things because freedom around the world is inborn. so politics is a sport, as a career, there's a lot of people involved that it not why they are involved. i will save those women, those iraqi women do not understand a word they james was saying except he said one thing that a god and they make t-shirts that said -- you finish the story. >> just inking about it, the game and democracy is not having a first election. if the second. a few boos, you leave. i mean, i've always said that when i teach this. the most sacred secular event held in this country is in the former president leaves think it that the helicopter goes. i think it, big deal, bigger than you know. what prompted it is the cab drivers from africa, they followed u.s. politics here more then you can imagine. i said what you find so fascinating about politics i expected because the buddy list, the only way you leave there is to get shot and live in a pine box or whatever. and so, i

the islamic revolution in iran underscored the notion that in the middle east at least, all bets were off. the next years were rocky. president reagan, for example, called libyan leader moammar get off the the madman of the middle east and described him as part of a new international version of murder incorporated. and years before george w. bush would describe an axis of evil -- a confederation of terrorist states becaus but it was the cln administration that made the rogue regime part of washington's lexicon. when defense secretary aspen unveils the proliferation initiative in december 1993, he warned that the new nuclear danger we face is perhaps a handful of nuclear devices in the hands of rogue states or even terrorist groups. speaking in 1994 european politicians in brussels, let in and self-described iran and libya as rogue states. secretary of state warren christopher repeatedly referred to iran and iraq as rogue regimes during an address at georgetown university later that same year. in each case the clinton administration focus more on roads towards the united states rather than to the danger of the of people. saddam husse

ally but certainly an important one ronald reagan made it clear more than thirty years ago that there would be quote no revolution in saudi arabia because the u.s. was just absolutely determined to keep the absolute a small.

ally but certainly an important one ronald reagan made it clear more than thirty years ago that there would be quote no revolution in saudi arabia because the us was just absolutely determined to keep the absolute us monarch in power there not because they care so much about what's going on inside of saudi arabia but because they consider it to be essential as the main oil export or in the world in a geo strategic ally but of course the saudi government has other things to worry about principle it's a it's a it's an unstable regime in the way saudi society has been organized it's a distorted society and it fears revolutions either from a secular opposition or more importantly from an islamic opposition and so in that sense the saudi government is always pursuing a foreign policy and a domestic policy based on sort of existential fear that the regimes days although it seemed to nip it in a while ago could in fact be numbered it's a good point mark the the days are numbered for the house of saud are they a good bet for washington thirty years ago i understand i agree with brian i mean unfortunately that was the reality there but lot of lot of

the iraqi women how to fight human rights in their constitution. you claim to get there because right after the revolution i didn't know the husband but the wife worked for reaganlunteered to do these things because freedom throughout the world is important, politics as a sport, as a career, a lot of people involved in it. and did not understand a word that james is the same except he said one thing he got, a you finish this the hardest thing a lot. one of my favorite stories is an old friend of mine, asked to meet with a man who was running for president of afghanistan. so talking to him, richard holbrooke at the state department, is there any problem with me in the u.s. working for this guy? james is the finest man i know. doing little investigation, a fine guy. i know he can't pay me, can't pay my air fare. you are a member of the kennedy generation, you have to go. john kennedy, i guess i got to go. so i told him. i go to kabul and try to stay in his house and write a campaign plan and on the way out gives me a rock. two weeks later i got reimbursed for my effort which was not a bad deal. at least i wasn't out 13,000 grand for the ticket. >> you want to hea

the u.s. constitution and american exceptionalism than at any time since the revolution. if you can put them together you can win this thing. and not only when it and you could go way beyond reagan and restore the constitution of your country and put the federal government back in its place. [applause] i know how tough it is folks. this is not easy. there is no guarantee of success but i'm asking for two more years. if you give it everything you've got for two more years at the very least you're going to get is the ability to look your children in the eye and say i gave it everything. is that not worth something? [applause] and if you win it folks, you are not just giving them the country you inherited, you will give them a country even better. is that not worth fighting for? [applause] i'm just about finished. i know how tough it is, folks. you have a big job on your hands. i was up in morristown last year in new jersey and i went around the big encampment were 10,000 troops came through the winter of 1780. by the end of the winter there were 6000 left. their officers were being max their dogs and the troops were being max there had -- we are in crucial times and we have defied

but first of all, what were we expecting coming into the reagan revolution? into the modern economics that we have? and why? one of the things economist will tell you as productivity increases literally from the washington did ministration it is the ability of a given unit of labor to produce a certain amount of goods and services as productivity goes up you not only get more services that but dash but weber is hiring gets more it is a function of profit but historically what we have seen the there have been things along go away having to do with eli whitney and fantasia cotton gin in the industrial revolution but by and large for that roughly 200 year period as productivity went up wages went up with it. as people got more efficient they were rewarded for that efficiency. the 19th century they were working 80 over weeks. by 1900 the average was 60 hours by the 1920's it was fifties' by the forties we were institutionalizing the 40 hour week. we have seen the work load has gone down but the quality of life has gone up. resawed during the 1950's 1950's, '60's a