he is 1/9 african-american. he buys his ticket, he gets on the train, so it's in the i amctor comes, he says 1/9 african-american, and i refuse to sit in the black car. the conductor immediately has him arrested and put in jail. and is broughtt, back to court several days later. in the court, he is put on trial by judge ferguson. judge ferguson rules that he has broken the law, and that louisiana has the right to regulate how people can travel within the state. plessy and other states say no, this is not true. we have laws that say you cannot do this. they appeal to the state supreme court in louisiana who support ferguson, but then they give it to the supreme court of the united states. in case goes -- the case goes to the supreme court in 1895. make into do a decision in 1896. a vote of the 7-1, the court says and upholds the law created in louisiana. fact, as longin as the facilities are separate and equal, that there is no harm done to anyone. that in fact it is within the measure of the constitution and tot

were african-americans. about 45% of the population which was really different from most cities. many of them came to washington, d.c., because of the opportunities that were available in the federal government. but also interested in the opportunities connected with the educational institutions located in washington, d.c. places like howard university, which is renowned for educating african-americans which was beginning of the rising of the civil war. also of great interest was the preparatory school for colored youth in the city. it was the first public high school in this area. it attracted college-bound african-american students from all other the country. many of you may know it better as m street high school or dunbar high school. parents were known to move from all over the country to bring their children to washington, d.c., to be educated here. the teachers there were among the best educated individuals. they were highly respected and noted for their ability to train young people to go on to higher

what happened to african-american cooks in the administration?e rozsival ministration there's more openness and more, rhonda and openness between the staff and first family. it didn't have the rigidity that you saw in hoover and the coolidge administration. coolidge would come in and critique what they're eating and say it seems like everything a lot of food here. he was very nosy. which is not his persona. >> what about the wilson administration? >> even during the wilson administration they still had segregation but wilson was a southerner. a lot of reports of him celebrating the southern food cooked by white house staff. so i don't know about interaction between wilson and the others. where the harding administration. but he love their food. >> so the harding administration did work. >> there seem to be a feeling of calm robbery. harding was big on waffles. he loved waffles. it is a lot of waffles. the cook that make the waffles would celebrated in newspaper articles. her name was alice howard. he waffled in a good way as a president. >> you k

they are unaware that there are numerous african-american regiments. i would be remiss if i did not mention the 2012 steven spielberg movie when can -- lincoln. in one of the opening sequences of the movie when he is seen speaking with two soldiers and ira clark. to talk about a battle that took place in 1864. when asked what their names are they stayed their name. we are over here, we are leaving our horses behind to be with the 24th infantry. this is a prime example of where the movie script. the history of the fifth massachusetts, the regiment had no time to move to north carolina. actuality the regiment was stationed at maryland. know why tony kushner elected to include the fifth massachusetts cavalry that was designated for this. this inaccuracy say about in terms of their legacy. , heice should be given served the cause of freedom. from the we draw actual historical record which is far more intriguing than any historical movie? this was not a narrative of history from 1861 to 1865. was portrayed by many people. given great have understanding to o

teaching school for free african-americans in washington, d.c. this is before the civil war. it was also called the minor school for colored girls -- the miner school for colored girls. she established the school in 1851 with $100 in her pocket. most people thought it cannot be you bere and worse that arrested or killed when she told them what she wanted to do. although she rallied support of abolitionists and others that sympathized with her cause, when she came here it was her own independent project. she mightght that have been some kind of tool of the abolition movement, really she came on her own at the start. schoolst established the by the force of her own well, something which is unimaginable given the cultural forces that a poster at the time. this is a woman who came by to a city's you never visited before where slavery was still legal and she wanted to start a school for free african-american women in the decade leading up to the civil war. although the initial experiment only lasted 10 years, her project funded a succession of college

[applause] my sister is in that great tradition of african-american women. they are heroines among us. i spoke to one. is she here today? for those of you who don't know she held change that institution which is very hard to do. turning that battleship that is the smithsonian they will tell you that. sayn't have enough time to anything about adrian rooks because we do not have time. -- ok if i get crazy it is i have to use quotations, here we go. woman can -- that is why i like talking to you. with and where i enter. with undisputed dignity of her womanhood. without violence or without special patronage then and there it enters with her. who said that? yes ma'am. she was born in north carolina. her birthday is coming up. tradition the university -- it hasa trained been throughout her career instrumental in leading the kinds of space that we have entered. they make you or cultural organizations. they have been spectacular withnity landmarks did civil and cultural engagement. she was invited to this regulus group today because she has something in common with

we had probably 100 that were african american. it was such an incredible time. some people were enjoying the spectacle of what was going on. others we were moving. it was a difficult time for everyone because of the fact we had assumed in detroit this was not going to happen, that things were ok. people assumed it was not going to happen. the police department unfortunately was woefully unprepared to handle the situation of the things that occurred in 19 ski seven. --1967. >> why do you think that was? >> the police department assumed everybody was happy. they had not looked at what had occurred that precipitated this series of incidents. we had horrible police community relations. we had horrible relationships with the black community in particular. a lot of people had been beaten up. i was one of the people severely beaten by the police and made the decision i was going to become a police officer. this was commonplace in detroit. it was probably around that time the naacp attentive to integrate , and thee department police department went on strike. we had all

african-americans were voting. some historians have said they manipulated the vote but at least for african-americans, this population and in this us who were leaving the plantations of mississippi, arkansas and some respect is louisiana going north, those that didn't go to detractodetroit, milwaukee, cle, came to stop and the ones that populated and has at least saw been listening to the concerns when nobody else would even care about their issues, so they did didn't give their political allegiance. now the book contains a lot of characters who were either courageous or cowardly when it came to racial equality and took fairness. this was an enjoyable experience for me as a person that grew up around memphis but living in mississippi, he was from mississippi and i also talk about ida b. wells the first african-american millionaire,ins robert church also was fromom hy mississippi and who lead for good and sufficient reasons, but the one thing that really stuckt out for me when we talk about custody politics is this,

he had the first african-american secretary, and welcome the first african-american to a cabinet meeting, jay ernest wilkins as assistant secretary of labor. i would note any president prior to ike could have done any number of these things by executive order or personal decision. they did not. eisenhower did not get the credit he deserved dental records released to the eisenhower presidential library enabled scholars like david pulls to for the whole story together. , an image ofbooks ike as a do-nothing president on civil rights prevailed among scholars. i think part of the problem can be traced to his words, or lack thereof. this can be traced to his core belief in both leadership and the role of the chief executive. ike's creed was to simply expressed in his motto, we all know harry truman, the buck stops here, but do we remember ike? it is not well known. gentlemen manner, strong in deed. this is reminiscent of theater roosevelt. speak softly and carry a big stick. the idea is your actions are more important in your words. ike did not have to say he was honest or humble or he believ

african-americans citizens have sacrificed so much for this nation. they have not and died in every war since the revolution. and from the pews and the picket lines have lifted up our country. that was candidate trump when he was saying last fall -- >> he didn't say that. somebody wrote that -- >> wait, slow down, keith. what i'm saying is that was candidate trump trying to reassure people he wasn't biased or he didn't harbor racial hostility towards african-americans. once he's elected he now turns around and is quite willing as larry was saying to go after f african-american players. he's willing to say whatever it takes, and in this case he's willing to play this wedge issue where he knows oits going to rile people up and do the exact opposite of what you're calling for, selena. >> right, and what i was talking about, patriotism and protesting, i was trying to take -- it's kind of difficult -- trying to take trump out of the equation and try and talk to you what people were saying and how they felt about the moment. >> listen, i want to get this no

[applause] and so zena is in that great tradition of african-american women. and there are some living heroines among us. one who was here the other day. i do not know if she is here today. for those of you who don't know, she helped change that institution which is very hard to do. and bernice johnson reagan. turning that battleship that is the smithsonian. marquette will probably tell you that. and i do not have time to tell you what michelle torres does. and i will not mention ager and brooks or any of them because we , do not have time. darn it. so -- ok, if i get crazy now, it is her fault. you know me. i have to do quotations. here goes. only the black women can say what? that is why i like talking to you all. when and where i answer -- enter. with undisputed dignity of her womanhood. without violence and without suing without special patronage, , then and there, the whole negro race enters with her. who said that? yes, ma'am. she was born in north carolina. her birthday is coming up. august 10. ok. leave me alone. [laughter] so in that tradition, univer

history, and who is african-american himself, read the book. the manuscript, once it was done, consulted with him throughout the process. certainly having the family of robert smalls, whether he was white, black, or asian, was very important to me because i -- my goal as a writer is to -- is not to put anyone down. that's not -- my goal was to get the accurate story and in this case i wanted to elevate someone that i believed was a hero. but it was very important to me to listen to any issues that came up, like when michael's mother mentioned the -- we were going to use the term "slave" on the title. his journey from slave to union hero, and she was opposed to that, and i completely understand why now, and we made that argument with the editor who was very gracious about and it understood, and the last thing i warranted to do was to insult people that i was really trying to help by telling the story, the smalls family. was a dawning thing i. don't know if i fully realized how daunting when i started. was just overwhelmed by his story and i thin

the response has been when african-americans achieve, when african-americans succeed, when african-americanse to accept the subjugation, a range of policies come forth to undermine and undercut that advancement. i track it from the end of the civil war all the way through the election of barack obama. >> and the source of their anger, the source of their angst or rage is what? >> black achievement. >> yeah. >> and black refusal to accept a subordinate place in american society. african-americans demanding their citizenship rights. and that quest for full citizenship and then achieving that creates this incredible response, coming out of the courts, coming out of the white house, coming out of congress, coming out of school boards to find ways to, in fact, undermine and undercut that to move african-americans back in their place. >> to those white folks watching, and we're on pbs so there are a bunch of them watching -- thank you, prisht it. thanks to viewers -- i appreciate it. thanks to viewers like you, i'm here every night. to viewers watching saying i don't connect to what carol said, i

arture ash was a local african-american hero. and they decided to, that it would be too difficult or not the right thing to take the confederate monuments down. there was no political will for that. there was political will for erecting this arthur ash statue on monument avenue. there were protests. the sons of confederate veterans did not like the fact that a famous african-american was going to be celebrated alongside confederate veterans. i don't know. i would call this monument inexpertly done. it's not my favorite monument in the world. probably a better one is down here off of monument avenue. in near the river near the james river. actually in the area that was burned during the fires at richmond at iron works. this is a an iron works for the confederacy. this is the place where the confederacy made so many iron mints. a statue to lincoln was placed. at this public site that's now owned and operated by the national parks service. what does this monument say to you guys? >> not really grand. >> what do you mean. >> it's on

to put this in prospective the very first african american rights case, 1857 in the first women's rights case in the supreme court was 1870 broadway versus illinois illinois and about those cases the african-american and women lost. first corporate rights case in the supreme court was 1809 and the corporation one and it's been that way ever since, corporation steadily gained nearly all of our individual rights. >> host: today, corporations people argument is a liberal conservative f is a liberal conservative fight; correct? >> guest: interesting, polls show issues of corporate rights transcend the usual partisan lines. you have strong majority both liberal and conservative in america believing that the supreme court has given corporations too many rights and to expansive protection under for instance the first amendment giving them the right to participate in influencing electoral politics in the case like citizens united for the right of religious freedom in the case like lobby. polls show 75 to make 80% of americans thinks citizens united is wrong and that cuts a pot-- across the perso

to the african-american in the civil war. the more better way to relate is to delve into or explore the ordinary folk of that area. using that approach in my research, i examined firsthand accounts such as personal diaries, pension affidavits from the administration and official battery reports of the compilation of the official records of the union army. furthermore, genealogical research discovered personal aspects of the lives of many of the soldiers that served in the regiment. public records such aso pitcharies, marriage and death records, newspaper articles from the time revealed the flavor of the era and added essential facts to the narrative. traveling to historic sites such as museums, national parks, historical societies, cemeteries helped in completing my overall history. in the research i found very few published works relating to the regiment. from the beginning it was a personal quest for myself to do a genealogical research about my relative who served in the regiment and later developing into a more detailed r

speaker, that the war on drugs was an effort to vilify african-american leaders and to disrupt the african-american community. admitted that the war on drugs was contrived to diminish the reputation of african-americans. and indeed they were successful because the burden of this failed war have fallen overwhelmingly on the african-american community. in 2014 african-american adults accounted for just 14% of those who used drugs, but close to a third of those who were arrested for drug possession, and although african-americans and whites consume drugs at a similar rate, african-americans are significantly more likely to be arrested. now, this proportionate endorsement of drug laws in the nation in which racial groups use drugs at the same rate points to one fact, mr. speaker. it can only be explained that race has played an inappropriate role in law enforcement's priorities and tactics. it's worth noting that in face of the 1980 crack cocaine epidemic in black communities, the public policy response was incarceration. here in 2017 in the face of our current opioid epidemic in predominantly white co

they needed access to african a male dash african-american male teachers. opportunities during the school day where students could be in front of an african american male teacher. they can feel safe and proud and get a sense of who they are. having teachers that mirror the experiences is very important. >> black and brown boys especially are getting detention more often, they are looked upon as troublemakers more often than their white counterparts. there needs to be a huge culture shift, not just what is happening in the classroom. >> that is right. these men up conferences are elevating our kings, our students. if we don't deal with the structure and the system, it can be for not one important thing for students is to have access to their history and legacy. part of the problem right now is, when we frame conversations around black and brown children it is deficit oriented. >> my little boys have come to me with the word slave. we don't joke about that. we don't rolled around on the playground. this is heavy stuff for 7-year- old. >> our history did not s

in its decision to circuit said the law would target african-americans with almost surgical precision. but we can't just count on backwards. that's why certain democrats continue to call for a proactive legislative agenda to increase the opportunity for people to exercise their right to vote in our country. our members have introduced legislation on election security, expanding voter registration, creating more opportunities for voters to cast their ballots. chief among the proposals is the voting rights advancement act sponsored by my colleague senator leahy, cosponsored by the entire senate democratic caucus. meanwhile, the administration continues to promote the unfounded narrative of widespread voter fraud. this is why i'm very disappointed. that's why we are here doing our own hearing it's the right to vote for tens of millions of americans. all of my colleagues care deeply about this and that leaders in their states. all of you are true leaders in the fight for democracy if we are honored to have you taking the time with us today. i would like to turn to my colleague from minnes

you being you writing about an african-american hero. what your thoughts were before you took that on. and how things transpired as you got into it. if it was important or not. it was incredibly important. i think i would be very naÏve as a writer to go into any topic without thinking about every angle that you possibly can. certainly with the a topic that deals with the race. you have to be ready to make sure that all your facts are correct. to the issue. that involved having a professor who is a specialist in african-american history. the manuscript once it was done. i consulted with him throughout the process certainly having the family of robert smalls whether he was white, black or agent --dash mike asian was very important to me. it was sent by anyone down. my goal is to get the accurate story i wanted to elevate someone that i thought was a hero. it was very important to listen to anything that came up. when eccles mother mentions that we were going to use the term slave on the title of his journey from slavery. he was opposed to

the african americans themselves. what i want to look at here is how he was trying to get those stories out to the broader public. his own interviews, these are based on his own interviews and his advocacy for the accused and they play two roles. first of all, they serve as documentary evidence. eyewitness testimony to the workings of new york's justice system revealing case is not es not seen normally by the public and specific detail that was impossible to come by. he names the accused, the claimants, the sheriffs and judges and many details of the ir cases. the articles provided a semblance of a public voice for the accused. probably obviously control the narrative, he tried to convey some sense of experience, emotions and ideas of the accused themselves. many of these people were not actually fugitives, they were free people in new york. what i want to do is give you a sense of the detail of that voice, if we can call it that , and explore the degree to which the perspectives of the accused are represented in the

lots of african-american-owned businesses along that stretch. and it was becoming, like much of the city was changing demographically. there were more and more african-americans moving into that area. but the density i think is the think that's the starkest contrast. i mean, every lot along that stretch had a store on it. on 12th street. each of the residential streets had, you know, homes. home after home after home. if you go there now, as you point out, it's pretty green. it's pretty barren. we don't have that kind of density in almost any part of the city anymore. and that's so -- and that's one of the things that this did change about detroit. it sends us on this downward spiral that it already started, but it accelerates it in a way that empties big parts of the city. >> heather ann thompson, no sense of recovery in that area from this incident? >> well, it's really -- it's a really mixed legacy. it's interesting. people think about this uprising as the moment when, for example, white folks just flee the city in droves. and in fact, that's

majority of african-american police departments..oesn't mean there isn't racisme i'm just saying, add the context, and don't start using dog analogies which immediatelyr evoke pictures of alabama in 1955 and bull connor and all the rest, which are not designed to inform people or elucidate. they are designed to terrify and horrify people, andas that is bad for the country. >> i am not sure who they are designed to terrify and horrify though. i keep hearing you saying that, and i heard in the intro where you kept saying it's scary, it's terrifying, it's horrifying. but the african-americans were already terrified. they are terrified of law enforcement. they are terrified that the very flag that we revere and adhere to, the very flag that symbolizes the best of freedom in this country is the same symbol that is now being used to represent race superiority. the same symbol that is now being used to represent -- >> tucker: that is your opinion, which i really hope is not a majority opinion in any community, because i think it is a crackp

in an predominantly african-american league. i think that, too, is a part of the donald trump pattern. he's willing to say whatever it takes, and in this case he's willing to play this wedge issue where he knows it's going to rile people up and do the exact opposite of what you're calling for, selena. which is people talking to each other and not past each other. >> right, and what i was talking about, patriotism and protesting, i was trying to take -- it's kind of difficult -- trying to take trump out of the equation and just sort of talk to you about what people themselves were saying and how they felt about the moment. >> listen, i want to get this new reporting in, guys. here's what it is. i'm reading, i'm just getting it. this is from a meeting. the president had a private dinner on the nfl issue. president trump sounded very satisfied on his comments on the nfl, according to a person who attended the dinner. it's really caught on. it's really caught on, trump said, of his nfl comments to attendees at the dinner. i said wha

i did not hear the part of african-americans of his administration or anything like that.e answer the question? >> no, he did not. >> okay, he did not becaus because -- instead of having things that actually matter on his mind that are consequential. he was still doing and some people have said which is a -- that was an important question. donald trump is not surrounded by any credible african-american conservative republicans that for policy purposes and things like that. >> god bless ben carson, honor rosa, she works for the democrats. she had a terrible relationship, she's antagonist with everyone. people who are serious and black conservatives dedicated in ear lives trying to help the black community are being stone walled by her because she's not there to serve herself. >> do they work back in the white house or not interested in hiring. i think it is not a priority for him. policy professionals don't want to deal with that and general kelly, the chief of staff tries to get rid of her. she's not doing anything positive there. >> mr. mayor, come on. that's uncalled for

african-americans.i can read you a quote from colin kaepernick, he said a year ago that he is not anti-american, but he wants to help make america better. and he thinks having these conversations about police violence directed toward african-americans helps everybody wanted those issues better. he went out of his way after his second protest to take a knee rather than to just simply sit out the anthem, in his words, because he wanted to do this in what he thought was a more respectful way. obviously people can disagree with this. obviously the president doesn't like this. to say that this is about the flag or free speech and gloss over the underlying issue of police violence is misleading. >> you know, don, a lot of people have brought up the fact that the president seemed to sort of defend some of the neo-nazis who protested in charlottesville when he suggested, when he said specifically there were very fine people on both sides in charlottesville. why do you believe the president won't defend the righ

african-americans especially but not just african-americans. i think it started with us 400 years ago. it didn't end there. we have an islamic ban. we have, we don't want hispanics to come here. we have so much going on in america right now that we have to change this and the only way to change it is we have to have discussions that we don't want to have. if it means that you have to not deal with a family member that believes that this is right, then that's something that you're going to have to eventually face. we have some policies to change. we know that some of the policies that's been created has been to hinder and leave certain cultures and certain races behind and very stagnant where they cannot move forward. "the washington post" just posted that african-americans are making the same amount of money as 2000. that's unacceptable, very unacceptable. we work three times harder to get promotions in positions that we're in. you know, we have a mass incarceration issue that we need to focus on. how we move past putting all of our men in pris

patel, it is more prominent in african-americans. do we know why that is? >> no, i think one of the things we should know -- that we know very well is it may be a little higher incidence, but when it appears in african-americans it tends to be a younger population, it tends to be more aggressive, and we don't know what the characteristics are of this disease in this sub type. part is the only way to know these things is to have people participate in bigger numbers in clinical trials, and so we have a little more ethnic diversity than most clinical trials. the population tends to be caucasian so when you try to break it up into sub groups about what is different about an asian population or african-american, it is difficult because you have small numbers to look at. we don't know really. we know it is mo and earlier. >> we are talking about blood cancers this morning and will continue our talk right after this. ♪ z2i1wz z16fz y2i1wy y16fy >>> our topic this morning is blood cancer and what you need to know about this. dr. dipti patel-donnelly, i want to talk

in october 2016, harvard center for african-american and african-american research, received a $10 million grant from its name sake foundation. the research project that will fund is a longitudinal, ethnographic, and big data study of what he calls multidimensional inequality. people in the neighborhood subjected to many simultaneous racial and economic hardships. it will dig deep into the lives of poor residents, to better understand the interconnecting disadvantages that perpetuates poverty. the ultimate goal is to collect enough solid data to generate insights that will influence public policy. speaking to the harvard gazette in march 2016, wilson said here's my problem. how do i fight pessimism. i fight it all the time. i try to keep thinking eventually we'll come around to addressing our problems. so bill how is that pessimism going? it's been a tough day. we're about to find out. ladies and gentlemen our 2017 award winner, william julius wilson. [applause] prof. wilson: that was quite an introduction. you know, it's a real honor to return to the center and deliver this lecture. i'm e

meaning to pull back the advancements that african-americans had made. it was a die lugs of their power, it was a taken away of all the advancements that they had made and also indicated that the north would not enforce any of the laws, that would protect the rights of african-americans. we've just experienced eight years of barack obama. there is a backlash. let's just be honest. there's a backlash to everything that has been done relative to this. our nation has become a more black and brown whether we like it or not, that's the way of the world. it doesn't make us anything other than the way that's -- that intimidates people. that intimidates the president and the attorney general relative to the emphasizes that they have. in line with that as you can see the power to pull back and it has to be holistic. pull back voter registration, pull back the emphasis of voter enforcement, pull back the doj's emphasis relative to texas and north carolina, pull back enforcing the conscent degrees in police department, pull back the militarization of police departm

in both of those cases the african-americans and the women lost. the first corporate rights case was 1809 in the corporation one. it's been that way ever since. corporations have steadily gained nearly all of our individual rights. >> host: today the corporations as people is a conservative fight. how does each side fall down on this? >> interestingly poll shows interest of corporate rights transcend the usual part of the mind and that you have strong majorities both liberals and conservatives in america believing that the supreme court is giving corporations to many rights and to expansive protection. the first amendment giving them the right to participate and influence electoral politics in a case like citizens united are giving corporations the right of religious freedom to exempt himself from various forms of regulations like in the case of hobby lobby. 80% of americans think cases like citizens united are wrongly decided and that comes across the partisan divide. >> host: some very famous jurists and lawyers in our past come out new book and

of experiences african-american women and the civil war. he will notice some of these projects and i have been working on coming into this talk to if anybody is interested in looking at any of these things. they are all available -- most of what i have worked on is all available free of charge. that is on the internet. if anything is interesting to wards so stop me after f you can go play around on his website similar more about these extraordinary women. starting of course with emily davis. that is where we will start. becauseo start with her her extraordinary diary -- can everybody hear me ok? diaries livenary right here in philadelphia at the historical society. if you have not yet had a chance to kind of go over and look at these diaries they are quite .xtraordinary this is what they look like. they are not that big at all. they are just a blown a picture of her diary. can everybody see the image? good. saw her diaries years ago. these are three leather bound volumes that are small enough to fit comfortably in a pocket. if you hold them

the african-american-run city of new orleans determined that was a lie.scares the hill out of people. that's all i'm saying. >> who got scared? >> tucker: i did, to think my government would blow up a levee to kill people? >> if you are feeling a bit of fear, bennett might be a smidge closer toward an african-american male might feel driving -- >> tucker: there making it worse, that is my point. thank you. >> thank you for having me. >> tucker: we have a host from the place to be. as i just said, i'm not against conversations about the police or the abuse of power, which is real, and i think we should talk about it. what i am against is people who claim to be journalists making claims they can't back up for the sake of scaring the the hel out of their viewers. >> thank you for having me. one thing to talk about criminal justice reform, things that i'm passionate about, but it is another thing to accuse the president of having racist comments. i think this is something that the left is doing to push their narrative because they know that when they do this,

i am an african american. i'm african, i'm an american, i'm an immigrant and i'd better drive this conversation because you know i'm looking forward to have the conversation with my son about all of this-- - how old is he now? - he's just a couple of months, but when he's 15, he's gonna say to me where were you in all this? did you help out in this conversation? was all this stuff, did you just avoid the dialogue? so i'm preparing myself to have that conversation that every black man have with their son, and saying hey, hopefully when he grows up he doesn't have to say, i don't have to tell him when you see a police officer avoid him, look down, walk away. hopefully i can say to him when you see a police officer, give him one of our sweet potato doughnuts. - right, that, i like the fact that my takeaway from this conversation is that sweet potato doughnuts are the thing that will make everything better. i think that's actually-- - we agree on that. - hey i like that very much. i want to ask you about growing u

host: what is your message to the african-american community? what is the president's message omarosa: in what regard? first of all, the african-american community is not a monolith. we have to be careful of saying there is a single message for african-americans. tell me specifically. host: in terms of outreach. when you are meeting with students, college leaders, business leaders, people who want to find out what the president means to them, race issues, jobs. again, my job is to communicate the vision that the president has. what the president would like to -- those who have been four promised things from the previous administration, who were sold hope and change and were unemployed after four years, they'd could not fill their gas tanks. they could not fill their prescriptions. the president wants to see these folks have the opportunity to live the american dream. african-americans are no different than all americans who , want to see their children in environments where they can learn, who want to see their families healthy and thriving and

if dead african-americans, david asian americans, dead white americans are respected by the flag on the casket, why do you want to disrespect the flag? >> i think you are missing the point. when african-american boys are dying in our streets and the people who kill them are not being brought to justice, that is the injustice. >> sean: what did obama do withs all the shootings in record numbers? nothing.th nothing. he didn't go to his home city. he mentioned it three times in his presidency. >> sean, without question wewe also waiting for president trump to go to chicago as well, too. that hasn't happened. >> sean: thank you both. powerful debate. appreciate it. holding washington accountable.e speaker of the house paul ryan. breaking tonight new comments from president trump on the nfl. he spoke to pete hegseth. we'll give you a preview of that only on "hannity" tonight. ♪

anybody who says this is the worst time in the history of african-americans does not have a sense of history. in general, nothing today compares with slavery or segregation. however, i also pointed out that it would be accurate to say that sense the death of martin luther king jr., conditions for poor blacks have deteriorated while the conditions of better-off blacks have indeed improved. and this is most clearly seen in the growing income in equality in the black community -- this was most clearly seen in the growing income in equality in the black community as reflected in the jeani eco-eshfficient, a measure that meshes zero, perfect equality, to one, maximum inequality. now, this figure discloses the increasing household income in equality across the american population as a whole rising from a low of 0.39 in 1970 to 0.48 in 2014. follow the blue line. more interesting, however, is the high level of intra group inequality among black households. see the green line. although the absolute level of black income is well below that of whites, blacks nonetheless display the most intrag

, more african-americans in the senior ranks. did he answer the question? >> no, he did not. >> and he didn't because instead of having things that actually matter on his mind that are consequential, he was still stewing over the fact that some people -- how many times have we heard this? some people have said which is usually a euphemism in his own mind or enablers telling him stuff, but that was actually an important question. because donald trump isn't surrounded by any credible african-american conservatives for party purposes or -- >> who are the senior african-americans? >> amrosa, who is an absolute joke. she worked for clinton. >> she supported hillary clinton early on. >> that's correct. and she has a terrible relationship. she's antagonistic to everyone that deals with her. and people who are serious black conservatives, who have dedicated their lives to conservative policies and trying to help the black community are being stone walled by her because she's not there to serve the people. she's there to serve herself. i

but some african-americans in the 70s and succumbed to dementia in the 80s. the importance in this book, she was the only white female editorial voice in the 1960s that was decrying the violence, if i could say the word, intransigent racism and only one of a handful, in mississippi and called for mississippi to change. [applause] >> my book sanctuaries of segregation generally is about how white churches and white church people respond to the civil rights movement. it is a local history but if you are from mississippi, you know about this event and something those who are not do not know much about but one of the things i discovered in my research is this really is an important story, churches were contested spaces in the early 60s like lunch counters and libraries. segregation 5 very hard to keep segregation so this book tells the story as best i can and i benefited from a lot of great folks willing to tell their stories. i may embarrass him, i want to point out reverend ed king, one of the leaders of this campaign, here with us. he and his students and othe

just african-americans. >> right. >> it's all good people should be more than just african-americans. this is not an after condition american issue. this is an issue of people gf will and people who love this country to stand up for. >> now, jason, i think that's critical that this is not just african-americans that ought to be standing up. it should be people of all races. it should be whites, blacks, and i think we've tried to demonstrate that from the '60s and the civil rights movement of that era all the way to recent thousand ministers march where it ended up 5,000 showing collective here. but also keeping the focus not on the protests but on what we're protesting for. because what i keep emphasizing is let's not let those that are suffering get lost in the drama between stars and the president. there are people actually suffering. that ought to be the priority and that's what we're taking a knee to dramatize. >> well, yeah. i agree. and onest things black, white, you know whatever, hispanic, latino, as

her african-american son -- algenon: african-american soldier son. wil: yep, went to the store and the mother was talking to the clerk who was white and said, this radio does not work. malelerk, a young white said, you're a liar. you probably broke it. sonthe on looked -- the looked up at the clerk, as if he was i'm sure that somebody had just called his mama a liar. the mother said, i'm not lying. you are. slapped the black soldier's mother. unleashed a punch that can only be summarized as an act of sweet thunder. [laughter] clerk knocked the white through the window. nightfall the city had been engulfed in a riot. and many blacks and some whites were shot, and they called thurgood marshall to the rescue. got most ofe and those who had been convicted off. but one night, marshall was getting out of town with a couple other lawyers who had worked on the case and he was stopped by the local sheriff. him one time that he had been -- he said he wasn't. they stopped them again and then they said -- algenon: they stopped in the second time to check for alc

in this country, the african-american community has been forced to endure

to the street, attacking african americans, whoever they saw, no matter what. for four days. it resulted in the death of more than 30 people. after the second or third day, african-american veterans decided they were not going to accept it any longer. when they were shot at, a shot back. this forced the government to step in. and get the writing under control. riot andnew about this the red fervor of 1919, it was for the first time we had african americans responding back. were not going to accept it any longer. you see a shift in how the relationships are beginning to change in different parts of the country. if we look at these changes taking place, this influx of individuals into the city's north and south, the question becomes why did this change take place at this time? until a quarter of the way into the 20th century to make the choice to move thisncer: you can watch and other programs on american tv.ory announcer: c-span, or history unfolds daily. in 1979, c-span was created as a public service by america's cable companies and is brought to you today by your satellite