german rock star you don't lyndon bag not even like see could not in a packed stadium. stand he's performing at the city's fine art museum he's showcasing his own paintings and other artifacts to document his form of activism against the berlin wall from the 1970 s. onwards the west german artists campaigned against germany's division with the help of songs costumes in pictures the evidence is on display in the like seagate's edition is his way of paying tribute to the city's courageous. citizens he took to the streets for freedom here in 1989. this is where the mass demonstrations against the east german state began for the regime it was the beginning of the end as you are as good as we heard about it and we didn't see the footage until about 3 weeks later in the sense that the protests got bigger and bigger we waited to see if they would continue we crossed our fingers for them and we feared for them. because it was also a very brave and dangerous undertaking. in the 1980 s. linda bag when she took the fold increase gemini to better upstate leda every show nikka lyndo

i was a young person when lyndon johnson signed the civil rights bill.everyone knows what a newspaper was? [laughter] >> telephones, telegraphs? reading print newspapers the message was extremely clear, we are now at a time when i don't think anyone would realize in this period, not just the last few years, i would say the last 20 years, anyone who would watch this period, you know, as young citizen and not realize that it matters who was president was not paying attention. >> now, we have a tradition started with fdr, presidential libraries and the latest one is being built in your home area, chicago area, but has no books in it. so why do we need all the presidential libraries, can you explain their purpose? >> we don't have -- you're saying it won't have books like president obama, yeah, exactly. precisely, books are not the chief purpose of it and archives and some of the others. the argument of -- this is not just the obama people and many matters is that you can have documents online and they don't need to be in the library and it's actually more s

that is early lyndon johnson. that is early lyndon johnson. and robert caro writes so brilliantly about all of that. but there is also another johnson. and one of the lessons i think shakespeare teaches is empathy, that you must have empathy. prince hal, henry iv, is a lot too the fact that before king, henry iv lived with the common people. that is an important part of his connection to the people. the night before the battle of agincourt, now he is king henry v, he puts on a cloak to disguise himself and he walks among the troops, talking with them as a common soldier, not as a king. shakespeare is teaching about the importance of empathy. and with coriolanus, one of my favorite plays, a great warrior who can't stoop to the rituals of democracy because he thinks it is beneath him, we see a common example. -- a counter example. to my mind, lbj later gives us that, after montgomery bridge, when he, at a moment of national crisis, gave a speech which is one of the greatest in american history, about civil rights, and how we were all in this tog

a couple of others -- i think -- i mentioned lyndon johnson. lyndon johnson to my mind is shakespearean in two respects, one positive and one negative. when we talk about a machiavellian shakespeare, richard iii, iago, always, always coming up with treacherous ways to get ahead. that is early lyndon johnson. robert kanner writes brilliantly about all of that. but there is also another johnson. in less than shakespeare teaches is that you must have empathy. iv, the princery before becoming king, henry iv lived with the common people. that is an important part of his connection to the people. the night before the battle of kincourt now he is can, henry the fifth, he puts on a cloak and discusses himself and he walks among the troops as a common soldier, not as a king. shakespeare is teaching the importance of empathy. with coriolanus, one of my favorite place, a great warrior who can't stoop to the rituals of democracy goes he thinks they are beneath him, we see an example. to my mind, lbj later gives us that after montgomery bridge, when he, at

lyndon johnson went south.worked many stories together so we know each other very well. some of us are conservatives. some are liberal. some are in the middle, but we have deep respect for each other and each other's ideas. the president of the united tates, jimmy carter. >> harry truman, john kennedy and lyndon johnson. >> even the challenger of the opposing party, you are trying to ver if i what impact he has on real people. not on the printing press. not the way he looks on television. his attitude, his face is quite different than the behavior that you're used to when you're questioning in a press conference. something else is visible that is not ordinarily. you see what the man is like in different circumstances. perhaps under stress. and then you see what the reaction of real people needs to e. ♪ >> the presidential campaign was like a race. you have to keep up with the group and the group took you everywhere. by air, train and boat. when i was covering the election story, i went down the mississippi in a

jfk and lyndon johnson, jfk was reluctant, it was lyndon johnson who i don't like politically on anything but lyndon johnson who pushed the space program and kennedy went ahead and signed on to it. and the idea was also that the soviet union was getting the reputation of you want stuff done, you become a communist country so this was our way of saying, a free system and open system can do better. by the way, we had american industry at that time and that was very important. the notion of no bucks, no buck rogers was important and we had political support to spend the big bucks that were necessary to get us to the moon. finally, very important, nasa was not a big bureaucracy at the time. nasa had just started to be cobbled together in the late 1950s by eisenhower as bringing various centers, langley for example and so forth together's so at this point it was a lot of folks, many who knew each other who said this is a bureaucratic thing but we're going to go have a beer and talk this thing over so it wasn't the kind of bureaucracy you have now. that's what got us to the moon. what's keeping

support for these programs, lyndon b. johnson agreed to set it up with all the same built in triggers incentive for over specialization, more expensive care and what the market will bear approach to pricing, we are seeing inflationary spiral again today. these are the problems we have been struggling to fix ever since but there are huge barriers to change, among them the powerful stakeholders who benefited from this system have not reached a form of cutting. this resistance has grown as the u.s. has moved from an industrial to post industrial economy in the late 20th century. health care has become a major economic engine in the u.s. 20% of our gdp. it has attracted venture capital funding because of the reliability of investor returns at high quality employment opportunities. but that also means it is rife with political minefields. but mess with any aspect of it, and you mess with somebody's body line and a law -- bottom line and a lobbyist is on your doorstep. this is a nightmare for consumers to negotiate. patients tr

we stopped with the lyndon johnson administration.e did not venture into the nixon administration. and for very good reason. the full record of the administration could not be known, the archives are unavailable to us. we prudently, i think, stopped. both of these reports, the expanded version of the older one, were to provide a general groundwork for people like you and me to make comparisons on their own. susan: tell me the story of how the first one got put together. james: i will be brief. john doerr, thought the utility of a report like this, and turned to his friend woodward, and asked woodward to be the commander-in-chief of a project of preparing such a report, which was unprecedented. as was said in the introduction to the original volume. he asked three people to be his generals. they recruited about 12 historians to write 1, 2 or three sketches of that many presidencies. i was chosen to be one. we had eight weeks to do it. it was a day before fax, email, digitization. it was done by telephone and mail them and we did it in

after kennedy was assassinated in 1963, he stayed on for lyndon johnson's presidency, and when lyndonjohnson left office, he stayed on through richard nixon's presidency, and finally died in the position of fbi director in may 1972. so, throughout this. as you can see, hoover lasted in this world of bipartisan establishment politics he lasted through eight presidents and almost 2 dozen attorneys general, republicans and democrats alike. he was never elected to this position, but was reappointed repeatedly, and over the course of his career, he built the fbi from being a rather small and insignificant bureaucracy, the investigative wing of the justice department, into a really substantial part of the national security state and an institution that was created almost wholly within his own control, and in his own image. and, in our popular imagination, i think the answer to how he did that tends to emphasize a lot of these kind of deep state terms. i think most prominently, the idea is that hoover controlled so much power, and lasted for such a long time, by ruling through fear and intim

recognized that the growth been teddye has roosevelt woodrow wilson, , frankland eleanor roosevelt, lyndon johnson, and therefore, they feared executive power. then republicans had the heady experience of ronald reagan as president. and they, too, fell in love with executive power. i think many of my progressive friends are rethinking the romance of executive power in the current context. which is, again, wholesome. some good things will come out of this, one of them is the revival of congressional institutional pride that is overdue. when franklin roosevelt , shortly after his inauguration, his fireside chat, first he began with two words that don't appear in the transcript as it is at the library at hyde park. the two words were, my friends. now, we're so used to this fake intimacy we have with the chief executive of the united states that no one today is startled by that. after all, we have a president who said, i feel your name, which, of course he didn't do. no one feel others people's pain. but never mind. some of us don't want the president to be our friend. we want the president to

it was lyndon johnson who i don't like politically pretty much on anything of lyndon johnson pushed the space program and kennedy went ahead and signed off to it. this was our way of saying a free and open system can be better. the notion was very important we had political support to spend to get us to the moon. finally, very important, nasa wasn't a big bureaucracy at the time. they just started to be cobbled together in the late 1950s. at this point it was still a lot of folks, many who knew each other who said this is the bureaucratic thing but let's go out and have a beer and talk this over so it wasn't the kind of bureaucracy that we have now. that's what got us to the moon. what is keeping us from mars? i want to start with talking about space and political. i'm going to go through this very quickly, but i think you'll get the point. i'm going to give a quick very brief history of nasa and our space policy from about the time of the moon landing until today. now, at the time of the moon landing, thomas paine, head of nasa and those folks were saying we can work our way and go on

and it was a challenge date we had to meet he put the new front tier capital with his agenda with lyndon johnson and the great society and put it with the heart and soul of the new frontier so the big part of my book is exploring why kennedy ended up doing that with mercury and gemini and apollo programs mimic president kennedy's spent his last good day on earth in san antonio with the astronaut training program before he went to dallas on the 22nd. if you go back five years from that great speech, he was a cold warrior democrat and used the space race to campaign both against eisenhower and other democrats to become the presidential candidate in 1960 and leapfrog johnson who was doing the same thing but who did not get his crack as quickly. >> your first point, yes, the day before he was killed he was in san antonio and he gave a speech which i quote quite a bi bit. to promote space medicine because a big part of the rationale to go to the moon was technology. may be computer or rocket technology but what does medicine have to do with space? he gave a speech on space medicine talking ab

the socialist states harsh treatment of its citizens influenced lyndon banks so did the personal experience he gathered on a trip there. in 1973 i visited for the 1st time. i met a really nice charming person and so on she was the 1st girl i'd met for me but little else make you feel as if you still. see. sons. who don't lindenberg was known all over germany in the communist east you couldn't buy his songs easily these german fans would secretly record them when they were played on west german radio stations and copy them for friends. and they became very popular in the east these pirated cassettes and so i knew i had a lot of friends that. a lot of people who liked it and i wanted to get to know them wanted to go there and take off my glasses and say hello come a little bit close up. bag was only allowed to perform once in east germany you know tobin 1983 at the palace still have to be condoning but his true fans remained outside to see perform just to hand selected a card carrying communist. that this was only possible from the linden bag after the burning wall had fallen as soon as he he

[applause] >> harry truman, john kennedy, lyndon johnson. >> you are trying to verify.ot the looks of television. his face is quite different from the behavior you are used to your -- used to. something not ordinarily associated because you see what the man is like in different circumstances, perhaps under threat. then you see what the reaction of real people needs to be. leaders of the country. ♪ the presidential campaign was like a marathon race. the head to keep up with the group everywhere. by air, by train, even by boat. i went down to mississippi in a riverboat. perhaps the biggest freedom we had his freedom of movement. we can go anywhere we want. have been any underground headquarters in omaha, nebraska, with president johnson. ♪ you get a strong feeling of the country by meeting people in different states. >> icy. against congress, which would eliminate from the u.s. foreign countries. these people would have lost their jobs. so they had an interest in getting the compromise will. a certain measure of the inspection. >> watch the entire film. sunday at 4:00 p.m

exiled to barren islands many of them spoke of in 968 president lyndon johnson told them people safe to go. but it wasn't safe and the u.s. authorities knew it was in sight. i mean. at sea then. the wrath. of the willing. yeah anyone and you named them on and on. and then on the cabin. and get on plane you and other that you had given what happened as a result of the bravo test was that a coverup was launched very shortly after march 1 mean there's such a history of wrong information outright lies deception there was no no attempt to take the most conservative approach and make sure that everybody was ok they knew where the right to fall that was going to go. and they took that risk and when they then made known full well equipped. they still had an opportunity to evacuate even on day of the shock but these people were not evacuated we were not evacuated and the people. so that only leaves one blown up one believe it number one in the united states and they this from guinea pigs they thought that. the effects of radiation would do. that it's a pretty strong indication that even if th

the vice president at th vice pe was lyndon johnson. >> host: was there a connection? >> guest: i wonder. the chairman of the house appropriations committee that was involved in budgeting was albert thomas and in his district is a place t called houston. so they got that at the lion's share of all fairness, they tried to spread out the goodies over the country in different states they got different parts of the program. of of course it was the spacecraft center. >> host: in california is in there at the jet propulsion lab and a couple of other places? >> guest: cleveland ohio has several places and langley virginia that was the origin of the first headquarters. >> host: and you could pretty clearly draw a political map to those locations is that fair to say?oule >> guest: to a certain extent, yes you are right. the reason houston was chosen, one of the reasons because i always wondered also why as soon as the spacecraft cleared everything shift over to houston, why don't they did it all in cape canaveral but one reason was that there might be signals mixed up from all

it was really lyndon johnson, why don't like politically, pretty much on anything. it was lyndon johnson who pretty much pushed the space program and kennedy went ahead and signed onto it. the idea was also, the soviet union was getting the reputation of, you want some stuff done, you've got to become a communist country. this was part of our way of saying a free and open system can do better. by way, we had american industry at the time and that was important. the notion of notebook rogers. we did have political support to spend the big bucks necessary to get us to the moon. finally, very important, nasa was not a big bureaucracy at the time. nasa had just started to be cobbled together in the late 1950s. by eisenhower. and bringing various centers at langley for example, together. at this point, it was still a lot of folks that said yeah, this is the bureaucratic thing. but let's go out and have a beer to talk this thing over. it wasn't the barack to see you have now. that's what got us to the moon. what's keeping us from mars? well, i want to start with the Ãtalk

losing 44 states, swept in such an enormous cohort of democrats into congress that for two years lyndon johnson could do whatever he wanted. and for two years, congress had its way. an enormous snapback began in 1966, and in 1968 conservative republicans won four of five and five of seven presidential elections. so. what the great society did was kindle a great american debate about the proper scope and actual competence of government. a debate we're still in the midst of. >> it seems to me that the demagogue, the modern democrat demigod of the modern democratic party is john f. kennedy and the modern democrat demigod of the republican party is ronald reagan. but there's a lot of misconceptions about both of those, they've been distorted. what's the greatest misconception we now have about ronald reagan? george: the greatest misperception has been somewhat dispelled but it's that he was an affable, unreflective man. then martin anderson, former aide, and his wife published ronald reagan's letters. people saw an entirely different reagan. if you're a presidential scholar you knew that pr

here at little round top, vice president lyndon baynes johnson shows up, former president wight david emuseum. if you look to the right, find the circle object, that's the building which the national park service debuts in march of 1962. and you can see all those little white specks are cars, thousands. we always gripe about parking. i can't get a good place to park by the visitor center. see, it's the same. it's the same. gettysburg is going to see over two million people, two million people com to celebrate, reenact 789, but it's also an occasion where governors and dignitaries can talk about the kimp air civil rights movement. so here, the governor of new jersey, who's laying a wreath at one of the new jersey monuments on cemetery ridge, ses this occasion, his oration, to talk about the unfulfilled promises of the american civil war. in 1963, he's telling, reminding listeners that the civil war was not fought to presembt union white or jim crow, but it was fought for liberty and justice for all, lay a wreath and zpwf like deliver an oration is george wallace. george wallace comes t

we did not change anything from lyndon johnson back to george washington.could be there are things in here that people would say don't belong here. that would be a fair argument. i don't think there are because all of us in both versions of this manuscript oversaw each other and discuss with each other what should go in and what should not. omissions, they are few. susan: you explain in the introduction that personal misconduct is not on the table in your study. james: that is correct. actions that you and i would consider to be chargeable against presidents or members of their official families are not in here. clevelande, grover fathered a child out of wedlock. we know that jack kennedy was not exactly an obedient husband. except those that came to public light, which they did starting with president clinton, those find their way into the book because they affected our understanding of the presidency and his ability to govern. susan: is moral turpitude covered? for example, slaveholding. james: no. susan: why not? james: those were not considered to be co

even during the later years, lyndon johnson went south as the train, which was called the corn pone specialrino: i know many top-notch correspondents. we have worked on many stories together so we know each other very well. some of us are conservatives. some are liberal. some are in the middle. but we have deep respect for each other and each other's ideas. >> all presidential candidates seem to have to take one. marino: we exchange a lot of material and a lot of ideas with other correspondents. it allows you to qualify your judgments by comparing information with someone else who knows a little bit more about a particular subject. >> that's the foreign policy. marino: the exchange of views is very useful. you are getting a feeling of the country and where it's going and this adds something to your insight, to your judgment, to the way you eventually will be reporting. announcer: next president of the united states, jimmy carter! [cheering] >> roosevelt, harry truman -- marino: when you go out to the president, even the challenger of the opposing party, are really trying to verify what impa

i was also reminded about lyndon johnson. you talked about his taping system.at took off from the kennedy era. he's talking with richard russell and forcing his hand to get on a certain presidential assassination commission. let's listen to this. >> neil: miraculously he did. so raises the issue about the persuasiveness of the president of a easy. when you're talking to a president, you're not talking to any average schmo here. that alone is heavy pressure. >> there's always an imbalance of power in these cases. the poor general listening to kennedy rant and the very powerful senator that was listening to the president jaw bone him. the same thing also internationally as well. you have president trump, the president of the most powerful country of the most powerful on the planet, talking to the president of ukraine and what you can see, you're looking at words. but you can almost hear it of president zelensky as he deals with president trump. >> neil: yeah, maybe be better if we traveled on your plane. i could -- i understand. now, the question is whether that

president lyndon johnson famously even attending her wedding in 1966. she began working at an anchor in washington at 21. and shortly after headed to new york to work as a reporter. >> it was essentially reporting little stories, and i loved it. >> landing at national public radio as a politicalcommentator. >> from abc news -- >> but in 1988, she found her home here. >> the american people don't want this to go on for another year. >> but he can't do an i didn't inhale and i didn't, i wasn't ever drafted. >> working as a contributor on "this week". >> something we've talked a lot about on this program. that people are so agitated and angry and ready to take arms. >> cokie's razor-sharp mind matched only by her warmth which hipped put guests at ease. >> you must be a very important person. >> and always that infectious smile, her hearty laugh. her sassy sense of humor. >> a great laugh. and a wonderful twinkle in her eyes when she laughed. so it was infectious. >> this week would become her home, co-anchoring the show with sam donaldson from 1996 to 2002

the vice president at the time was lyndon johnson from texas. >> host: was there a connection? >> guest: i wonder. the chairman of the house appropriations committee was involved in budgeting for nasa and his district was a place called houston. so they got the lions share but in all fairness they tried to spread out cities all over the country in different states got different parts of the program and the choice was nasa, the manned spacecraft center. >> host: and here at california, the jet propulsion laboratory and other places. >> guest: cleveland, ohio in several places and langley in virginia was the origin of nasa's first headquarters. >> host: you can clearly draw a political map to those locations. is that fair to say? >> guest: to a certain extent, yes. the ostensible reason houston was chosen, one of the reasons i always wondered, as soon as the spacecraft clears the gantry everything shifts over to houston, why don't they do it all at cape canaveral? one reason was there might be signals mixed up from all the other programs in communications. >> host: bill in indian

johnson,, like lyndon was an organizer of power, a willing tool of those who believed in tax and tax, spend and spend, elect and elect. something patas brown was an expert in. in 1958, pat brown ran for governor against the most powerful republican in california, the minority leader of the u.s. senate, william milland. won by one million votes. >> i sent my congratulations to attorney general edmund brown. tois given the opportunity be chief executive of the state of california for the next four years. brown ranin 1962, against another republican of national stature, former vice president richard nixon, and brown defeated him by almost 250,000 votes. brownongratulate governor , as herb client has already indicated, for his victory. the republican party new leadership in california needs a new birth of spirit, a new birth of unity. bill milland, dick nixon, what republican was left? the more they thought about it, the more they remembered ronald reagan, and they remembered that speech he gave at the 1964 convention. and inalienable rights are now considered a dispensation of government

space 1961 that shook up the americans jfk and linton johnson and jfk was reluctant really it was lyndon johnson who i pretty much don't like on anything that pushed the space program and kennedy went ahead and signed onto it. also the idea that the soviet union was getting the reputation if you want something done you have to be a communist country this is our way to say this is an open and capitalist system that can do better. by the way we had american industry at that time which is very important buck rogers was important and at the time we had political support to spend the big bucks necessary to get us to the moon. finally nasa was not big bureaucracy at the time it just started to be cobbled together in the late 19 fifties by eisenhower with those various centers of language to gather. sweat this point a lot of folks who knew each other to say this is the bureaucratic thing but let's go have a beer and talk thiset over. it is of the bureaucracy that you know now. so what's keeping us from mars? i won't start but talk about space so now i will go through this fairly quickly but i t

he was studying at harvard, a buddin they would marry in 1966, and president lyndon johnson famously attended their wedding. cokie's mother, lindy, actually cooking food for the crowd of 1,500. along the way, cokie would remember that first job. anchoring a public affairs program in washington, she was just 21. it was called "meeting of the minds." >> it was essentially reporting and then writing very brief little stories and i loved it. >> reporter: she would become a political commentator for npr and in 1988, she would join abc news. >> we're following two major stories tonight. >> reporter: she would contribute to abc's "this week" and then co-anchor the program with sam donaldson. >> what is your definition of womanizing, sam? >> most women know it when they see it, senator. >> reporter: and through the years, every big political night, cokie was there, too. her interviews with presidents and first ladies. cokie was an author and historian, too, writing more than a half dozen books. so often telling the untold contributions of women in america. and she wrote a book called "we are

> i have been to too many corporate ceos offices where you have every president you can find from lyndon johnson and everybody else. they give money to everybody. it's their right to give money, but they wants the administration to give them a lot of stuff. the press is just outrageous at this point in time. and this "new york times" stuff going on -- it's the most of irresponsible thing i have seen in a long, long time. lou: since the last "new york times" report? every day we have seven or eight stories attacking this president. virtually daily and factless. >> there are no facts in any of this. in reality the story yesterday was totally disputed. a the idea that a woman who doesn't remember what happened is being used as a witness and she has not come forward. lou: this was reported a year ago by mollie hemingway and carrie severino, the authors of "justice on trial." i think the most of important book written in the last year. they reported that it was leland keyser who would not substancate the story of ford. and they are saying the bombshell in this new book by the two times report

gerry ford,- richard nixon, lyndon johnson, president and senate majority leader.nnedy, a senator for a number of years. we moved from the insider to the outsider. there will all sorts of larger questions that i thought deserved exploration. you write,e book "early in the 1976 campaign, newspaper headlines asked a two word question. jimmy who? at carter's triumph again significant trend in presidential history. the six presidents who proceeded carter were washington insiders or well connected. presidents who followed included clinton, -- reagan, george w. bush, obama, and trump." guest: yes. i think we can see, and you just devoted an hour compartment andsed on the iowa caucus, jimmy carter did well on the iowa caucus. host: he did not win it, though. guest: he did not. day on the today show or c-span or anywhere else -- he did well enough. that was the springboard for his potential nomination. ,ther candidates followed suit put their emphasis on the early contest, whether it be iowa or new hampshire. we ended up with a much more participatory and selection process

i remember lyndon johnson's press secretary said he never had a joyful day in the white house.ed every minute of it. 10 years was great. >> dana: i can't imagine doing it for 10 years. that to me seems like a lot. but so different now with social media and the 24/7 news cycle. >> it would be impossible today. and it's an impossible job. i feel sorry for all the press secretaries. >> dana: haze a hard job while -- it's a hard job while you are in it but i look back with your time with fondness and wrote a great book, calm before the storm. i hope people get it. what do you hope people take away from the book if one thing. >> desert storm is the heart of the book. i think people should take away from it there was a rationale by the president and thoughtfulness by all involved and don't start wars easily and end them as soon as they can. >> dana: it's always an honor to be in your presence. marlin fitzwater. thank you. >> thank you. >>> a list of retailers asking customers to not openly carry guns in stores. many are joining walmart and roaring and it makes -- kroger. this after t