goldwater influenced barry goldwater influenced johnson's desire to be seen as a strong, confident foreign-policy president. >> welcome. today's subject is lyndon johnson. he is best remembered by both historians and the general american public for run reason and one reason only. vietnam. johnson is the president identified with the vietnam war, although there is a famous quote from october 13, 1967 where he said to a journalist, this is not lyndon johnson's war. this is america's war. if i drop dead tomorrow, this war. -- still be here. he was right. but the way it was fought has been ascribed to lyndon johnson. it is considered his tragedy, failure, the trail, depending on your position of the spectrum. there are two books both entitled lyndon johnson's war, and both advancing compelling if contradictory analyses of the reasons behind the series of decisions made between 1964 and 1868 that led to justification -- 1968 that led to the justification for escalating the war, the gulf incident of 1964, the first landing of u.s. combat troops to defend the base in 1965, the stepped up escalation of f

it demolished barry goldwater. if the president was a tenderfoot, then why have the congress voted unanimously to give him the power to wage war? he must have an admiral grasp or the congress wouldn't have abdicated its responsibility and allowed one man to decide what was appropriate. more important, the resolution was a wonderful counterpoint to barry goldwater's mad bomber image. now the congress had passed it so overwhelmingly, lyndon johnson could do whatever he wanted. he could invade north vietnam or drop a hydrogen bomb on hanoi. he could drop hydrogen bonds -- if you ordered conventional bombing and ticked up the number of advisors in south vietnam, he looked like a moderate. it was a masterstroke, temporarily very rewarding but would have horrible costs in the long run. the gulf resolution has been condemned rightly as an absolutely inexcusable abuse of the public trust. the president deliberately misled the congress to obtain powers to wage war without a required declaration of war. he lied to the people

and goldwater and the leadership of the republicans in the congress went to see nixon and barry goldwater told nixon, you do not have my support or the leadership of this party. you will be convicted in the senate of the united states. and that's the difference. >> yeah, no moment like that here certainly. carl bernstein, always good to draw on your experience. thanks very much. poppy? >> such important perspective he has. >>> when impeachment is said and done, whichever way this goes, who is going to pay the bigger political price? republicans for saving the president or democrats for trying to remove him?

and everybody that voted against civil rights with goldwater, will goldwater wasn't against civil rightsvoting against giving the government more federal power. mark: the first civil rights amendments were the post- civil war amendments. the first civil rights law was proposed by eisenhower. that was in 1956. the 64 civil rights act, the 65 civil rights voting rights act, the vast majority of republicans voted for both. i disagree with goldwater on this. his was a constitutional argument. while that's fine. the problem i have is that the democrat party, and their mouthpieces in the media were accusing republicans of what they were. will i think they have lurched in a completely different direction. a radical left direction, and that's a very bleak place to take the country. it's very dangerous. we'll be right back. ♪ ♪ in my line of work, i come face to face with a lot of behinds. so i know there's a big need for gas-x maximum strength. it works fast. relieving pressure, bloating, and discomfort before you know it. so no one needs to know you've got gas. gas-x get a 4-course meal startin

and have goldwater come speak that you voted for johnson in 1964. what happened. >> and this is the defining issue and 62 to be fortunate enough that goldwater accepted an invitation but in 63, the summer of 63 we got to see the i have a dream speech and then i was an intern and then two things happened and 64. the filibuster of the civil rights bill and then we nominated barry goldwater one of the few o people from the civil rights bill. honestly i was mad as hell about it and i was sot. irritated about goldwater voting against the civil rights bill and defining the arepublican party in a way that i voted for lyndon johnson which in retrospect was a huge mistake. [laughter]akak but it was a protest vote. >> that feeling carried over senate days when president reagan vetoed the sanctions on south africa for apartheid you voted to override the veto. most republicans did not do. >> i felt reagan was simply wrong about whether or not the south africa sanctions could work people say sanctions never work but occasionally they do they worked in south afri

you had goldwater come speak to the university of louisville. i think the civil rights movement was the defining issue of our generation. i have been fortunate enough when i was a college republican president, goldwater accepted the invitation. then in 63, the summer of 63, people like you and myself got to see the i have a dream spee speech. honestly i was mad as hell about it and i was so irritated about goldwater voting against the civil rights bill and deciding the republican party in a way that i thought would be unfortunate and in retrospect it was a huge mistake. but it was a protest vote. >> host: that feeling carried over intoe your senate days when president ronald reagan vetoed sanctions on south africa for apartheid. you voted not to override his veto. which most republicans did not do. i felt like reagan who was admired by people like you and me was simply wrong about whether or not the sanctions that were. they worked in burma a number of years later and i thought reagan was wrong. >> how did you get interested in that was a pretty

goldwater influenced barry goldwater influenced johnson's desire to be seen as a strong, confident foreign-policy president. >> welcome. today's subject is lyndon johnson. he is best

well it deny that dennis no i will be arguing over barry barry goldwater founded the n.w. c.p. in arizona did you know that but he also told me that he made a mistake in voting against since i knew barry goldwater all right made a mistake in voting insists of all rights law. as it turns out you know i was totally wrong in admitting made a mistake ok well i want to just tell you now that i see what has happened there are now like 10 different categories of people everybody agreed we did wrong by blacks but now the number of groups if if a guy in retail. a guy comes in one day in a dress. you cannot fire him. you cannot that's now that's because of discrimination well if you had a retail operation selling selling clothes and the the guy who's been working for you for 5 years one day shows up he still has his beard another is doesn't look like a woman in a dress you don't have the right to say please dress like a man thing that's that is you would now be sued for discrimination on colluder dress for the next show i'll still talk to you then as they read them politicking will conti

believe it or not, i was assigned by our teacher to read "the conscience of a conservative" by barry goldwater. i came from a democratic family but i remember thinking, i believe in a lot of this stuff. in college, it was the high point of the campus uprisings, the new left and so on. it is an interesting statistic that the leadership of the new left was drawn primarily from upper wealthy families. i was active in one of the conservative organizations, young americans for freedom, and we came primarily from middle class and working-class backgrounds. a lot of blue-collar. >> you worked on the 19 76 reagan campaign. >> i did. do not laugh, i was the co-youth director. (laughs) >> i told you not to laugh. >> he ran briefly in 1968 but even he denied that he ran briefly in 1968. but the 1976 campaign was monumental, important, and did change the republican party and the ark of reagan's future. >> it definitely did change all of that. it was a long shot because we were challenging and incumbent president. >> which is very unusual in the republican party. the last time was 1912. >> the other thing

and goldwater and the leadership of the republicans in the congress went to see nixon and barry goldwaterxon, you do not have my support or the leadership of this party. you will be convicted in the senate of the united states. and that's the difference. >> yeah, no moment like that here certainly. carl bernstein, always good to draw on your experience. thanks very much. poppy? >> such important perspective he has. >>> when impeachment is said and done, whichever way this goes, who is going to pay the bigger political price? republicans for saving the president or democrats for trying to remove him? americans come to lendingtree.com to compare and save on loans, credit cards and more! but with the new lending tree app you can see your full financial health, monitor your credit score, see your cash flow and find out how you can cut your monthly bills. download it now to see how much you can save. sleep this amazing? that's a zzzquil pure zzzs sleep. our liquid has a unique botanical blend, while an optimal melatonin level helps you nod off naturally with no next-day grogginess. zzzquil pur

. >> goldwater girl. >> yeah, she was a goldwater girl. so, no, you have to be you know, i can -- i -- i'll tell you the truth -- i actually, as a freshman in high school, went door-to-door for nixon beuse he wna end the vietnam war. i was so anti-war, there was no way humphrey, he could be elected. d so, i didn't like nixon, but i thought, "well, he has said publicly he has a plan to end the war within six months. good enough for me." >> but why bernie, not warren?at >> you know think they should do? i think they should they should go back into a room and talk again -- 'cause they a friends. and they should agree, whoever wins the most delegates by the end of the primaries is going to be the candidate, anthe other one gives their delegates to that person, and then one is the presidential candidate who has the most delegates and the other is the vice presidential candidate. >> lete ask about the electoral college. >> yeah. >> i've heard you say you're for eliminati >> absolutely, yes. >> so, help me understand then, if we got rid of the el

develop a bipartisan support for the articles that led a group of republican senators including barry goldwater to tell president nixon he must resign. some say the nixon impeachment if not for those for courageous republicans for the congressman it pained him because it credited nixon with giving him his seat and getting him electe elected. he did it because after seeing all the evidence it's something we had to do because the evidence was there he was eulogized to say he felt an obligation to the constitution to do what is right. soon members of the body will face the most momentous of these decisions. not at the outset of guilt or innocence but a far more foundational issue. should there be a fair trial? with the use of subpoenas of every impeachment trial the president's lawyers have been making their case outside this chamber are threatening to stall the proceedings with false claims of privilege having persuaded the body with some consideration of witnesses and documents, they now appear to say it's too late to consider them next week. but consider this the hundreds of documents we have s

you had the moment, the legendary moment, barry goldwater, a republican nominee for president, going to the white house with a few other colleagues and basically saying, the gig is up. the game is up. the votes are there to remove you from office. i mean, there is nothing that appears to be similar to that this time around. but it didn't start that way with watergate. >> no. >> it took months and months for the evidence to pile up to get goldwater and the other republicans to that point. could that happen here? >> it could happen if they get witnesses and they get documents because what we had bipartisan majority, seven republicans, all the democrats, including some of the democrats to support impeachment, three articles of impeachment against richard nixon, including his failure to produce documents. but when the smoking gun tape came out, everybody said this is the end of nixon. and that's why he had to resign. there could be a witness or a document that's going to be the smoking gun. and that would force the resignation of donald trump. the way it did then. but without these docum

if the president was a tender foot, an amateur in foreign policy, why had the congress of which goldwater was a member voted virtually unanimously the power to engage war, or the congress wouldn't have abdicated its own responsibility and allowed this one man to decide what was militarily appropriate in southeast asia. >> join the class and learn more about johnson's escalation of the vietnam war this weekend on american history tv. >>> the house will be in order. >> for 40 years, c-span has been providing america unfiltered coverage of congress, the white house, the supreme court, and public policy events from washington, d.c. and around the country. so you can make up your own mind. created by cable in 1979, c-span is brought to you by your local cable or satellite providers. c-span, your unfiltered view of government. >>> each week american history tv's american artifacts visits museums and historic places. next, in the first of a two-part program, we visit the women's memorial near arlington national cemetery to learn about women who served in the u.s. military from the revolutionary

and hugh scott telling him he probably only had six to ten votes and goldwater wasn't sure he was one of them. that was a moment where republican partisans, end of shoe, might be on the other foot in a different era, so it's not, the fact that the republican is not hugely dispositive here. that was a moment where people were able to take on data that was contrary to their pre-existing interests and make a decision in the national interest, which is what we're supposed to get when we send people to the united states congress and united states senate. we don't get it much. you know. it's been said there's a reason profiles in courage is a one volume project and not very long, and that's certainly true, but here's a realtime test. if you're a united states senator here's a realtime test of whether you want to be a force on the side of partisanship. >> right. >> so parnas implicated a lot of people in that interview last h and also attorney general bill barr even describing barr as part of the team that was dispatched to put the pressure on ukraine. >> do you know if mr. giuliani was ever

it happened with barry goldwater. it happened with george mcgovern.parties become much more different ideologically, demographically, you get locked in place by what's called "negative partisanship." so the fear of the other side winning becomes big enough you will accept anything your side does. so a majority of donald trump voters said they were actually voting against hillary clinton. so donald trump can only win in american politics at a time of super high polarization. which is why i think it's to go before him to understand what comes after him >> trevor: it's interesting you say that, because the conversation in america for a while has been, if we could just get rid of donald trump, we could go back to a way things were, a time when republicans and democrats could speak to one another, a time when people could handle opposing views." was there such a time? and when was it? >> so, there was but it wasn't as good as people now like to pretend. joe biden speaks to the time when he could work with segregationists. there was actually a lot packed in

idealogically at least since barry goldwater in 1964. that's -- >> i think that's wrong. >> other than maybe donald trump. but even if it were correct it seems to me your argument would suggest that in the polarized political world that we live in where there really isn't sort of this -- this unity, this wide middle that many american voters share, a polarized candidate as donald trump proved four years ago actually may not be a political kiss of death. >> and certainly can win. the one place i disagree with john on that in terms of whether or not he would be the most polarizing question is it happens on a lot of dim mentions, there's polarization of ideology and i think chate is right having a democratic socialist versus donald trump would be an idealogically polarized election. there are identity dimensions. bernie sanders is an older white man, he is able to make his ideology seem a little bit more balanced by having some, i guess, best way to put it is cultural markers that make him seem moderate in the code of american politics and

democrats running as a reincarnation of franklin roosevelt, republicans running in the shape of barry goldwater. no longerhe two sides resembles their modern templates. guest: the two parties completely realigned during the 2012 election. barack obama won with the new deal coalition in 2008. he wisely understood that it was time to reshape the alignment of the party. he focused on women and minorities and young people. with the caveats that he needed class.ough white working hillary clinton sort of dropped the notion that you needed just enough white working-class or she just assumed that percentage would carry over from obama to herself. it did not. she lacks the ability to connect with those voters. calculatedde the mistake of not going to those areas like ohio, lake erie, kenosha,nia, like wisconsin and tell those communities that she had their back. book -- with few exceptions, these locales are most opinion leaders have never been -- you made reference to them just a moment ago -- trump only carried three of america's mega counties. gopp crawled out of that mathematical hole in the forgott

he would be impeached in the house and that he would be convicted in the senate including barry goldwater who told him he could not support him. this is a different situation, misuse of presidential power to effect an election in the nixon case, in the case of clinton, he lied about sex, that was wrong, probably it was a crime but it did not involve the misuse of presidential power, that's what the impeachment clause is for in the constitution, it's to protect the public from the misuse of presidential power that undercuts the structure of the constitution. lying about sex does not meet that standard. in this cause we have another president who has in fact misused his presidential power. in this case involving a foreign government to get a benefit for his election. the question before the senators ultimately is, is that a high crime or misdemeanor? if you look at the nixon case it falls very much in line with that. >> having seen what you have seen over the course of history and these two prior impeachment processes what do you tell the senators that you are about to go before, how signif

democrats running as reincarnation of franklin d roosevelt the publicans running as shades of barry goldwater. but in 2012 that began to change and by 2016 the two sides no longer resembled their modern templates. >> the parties have completely relied adorning the 2012 election. barack obama had won with the new deal coalition 2008 but he wisely understood that it was time to reshape the alignment of the party he focused on women and minorities and young people with the caveat that he needed just enough white working class. hillary clinton sort of dropped the notion that you needed just enough white working class and poor she just assumed that that percentage would carry over from obama to herself. it didn't. she lacked the ability to connect with those voters and she also made the calculated mistake of not going into those areas like ashtabula ohio, like erie pennsylvania, like kenosha wisconsin or macomb county michigan and tell those communities that she had hather. >> from the book with few exceptions these places are locales where most americans decision-makers and opinion thleaders have

we had the troops sent to vietnam, goldwater used to say during the convention, everyone is afraid that if they vote for me, we will have troops in vietnam, he said after johnson was reelected, people voted for me have troops in vietnam. we have about a half million troops in vietnam and that sparked an antiwar movement. he had the civil rights movement, the assassination of dr. king, the assassination of bobby kennedy. it was a tough time. we had a disastrous democratic convention in august of 1968, later called a police riot. noteto be quick, i will that prior to or through 1968, to 1972, onlyior delegates were chosen -- most of the time, party officials, governors, senators, party chairs and so forth, they went to the national convention with these votes in their pockets for the delegates for their state and spend them as wisely as they thought they could. when john kennedy ran in the 1960 west virginia primary, he did not do it to get a pose or delegates, he dared to show that a catholic candidate could get votes in a protestant state. through 1968, only 25% of delegates were chosen

very closely after that, yes, the republican leadership most famously barry goldwater who have been the last republican presidential nominee, but more importantly the leaders of the house and senate of the minority, came to richard nixoxo to richard nixon and spoke to him in the language that he understood, which was politics -- which was votes. they said he did not have enough votes to survive and he would suffer historic humiliation if you persevered. that is when he decided the chips were down and he had to quit. amy: rick perlstein, we're going we're going to continue with you, other several books, including "the invisible bridge: the fall of nixon and the rise of reagan," to we will also speak kristen clarke about what was not handed over to the house. is the justice department involved in a cover-up? she isis the president a and executive director of the lawyers' committee for civivil rights under law. stay with us. ♪ [music break] amy: the rate anthem was developed and is since gone viral. it was performed all over the country this weekend at the limits marches. this is democracy

that was challenged by the goldwater renaissance, the focus on sun belt politics. how innteresting to see the past few years, some of those same folks are interested in george wallace. george wallace is back in a big way and suddenly we are nourished -- we are interested in understanding him again. even when we have seeming dramatic, provocative, collective statements of a shift in the historiography, we also have within those collections themselves the seeds of the next swing, or the next big thing. if you go back to myth of southern exceptionalism, the last essay is nancy mclean and it is called the neo-confederacy versus the new deal. that isa volume supposedly collectively challenging the notion of southern history and telling a story of post-world war ii modernization, there are still the seeds of what comes next. what comes next is not simply a swing back to the other side. that argument looks different based on the historiographical developments and the scholarship we have come through. aboute think about books the groundbreaking books in the last couple dec

very goldwater said everyone is afraid if they vote for me, we will have troops in vietnam. that sparked a big antiwar movement. his civil rights movement. we had the assassination of dr. king. the assassination of bobby kennedy. it was a tough time. you had the different -- disastrous democratic convention. new groups had felt they were locked out. this was a disaster. tore was impetus to try change the process. >> that resulted in something called the mcgovern-frazier commission. to allow more people to participate. >> one way you begin to trace this history, 1972 stands out. theeems like it was milestone for the iowa caucuses. that is a little bit misguided. not many people paid attention to the iowa caucuses in 1972. they were first on the calendar purely by accident. nobody paid attention. the candidates did not make much of a fuss about it. mcgovern did better than people might have anticipated. it is not really until 1976 that you see the modern caucus with all of the attention that we began to see. >> there were a few political importers who were here. one of them fr

goldwater used to say during the convention, everyone is afraid that if they vote for me, we will have troops in vietnam. he said after johnson was reelected, people voted for me have troops in vietnam. we have about a half million troops in vietnam and that sparked an antiwar movement. he had the civil rights movement, the assassination of dr. king, the assassination of bobby kennedy. it was a tough time. we had the disastrous democratic convention in august of 1968, later called a police riot. just to be quick, i will note that prior to or through 1968, certainly prior to 1972, only 25% of national convention delegates were chosen through primaries. most of the time, party officials, governors, senators, party chairs and so forth, they went to the national convention with these votes in their pockets for the delegates for their state and spent them as wisely as they thought they could. when john kennedy ran in the 1960 west virginia primary, he did not do it to get votes are delegates, he did it to show that a catholic candidate could get votes in a protestant state. through 1968, on

they picked her traditional liberal and a leftist who makes che guevara look like barry goldwater.bout bernie. it's another example of the media elbowing sanders out of the way. after cnn's hit job on the debate and then there's joy re joy reid. >> i think bernie is lying. he is slouching forward anyway but here he chortles. if you look at his eye level where he normally answers a question, when he makes the denial, his shoulders come up. his eye level is below is his shoulders. liars like to start with well. he looks away, laughs. if he set it which i he did it would've been better to own it. >> greg: powerful stuff. joy hiring a lie detector. it's like charlie sheen hiring a drug sniffing dog. member those posts were the product of a hack. it's clear the established media is deciding who they want and don't and making sure everyone falls in line. they look at the country and incentive sing a strong prosperous economy th the -- thy see themselves out of power. the good news is you see the media's distaste for you out there in the open. please don't return the favor and call them a

barry goldwater, mr.onservative republican, versus nelson rockefeller, new york eastern establishment. they lost to a guy with a write-in, and i think that was because people were upset with the choices, and people who may have not had a particular party affiliation decided they were going to do that. was certainly on antiwar vote and 1972 on antiwar vote. you have people going on one side or another as a result of that. is the $64t trump million question. just what has been trump's effect on the electorate? he has the republican party in his pocket, but are a lot of undeclareds upset with trump going to go into the democratic primary to vote for one of those people, hoping they can beat trump? or are they going to go in a republican field and -- it is pretty much governor wells, the only one running on that side. he thinks he is going to do better than i think he is going to do. i think the republicans are going to go for trump. the trump people and a lot of undeclareds will go democratic because they wa

eventually, a group of senators went up to the white house with the republican candidate from 1964, barry goldwaterand he advised nixon he did not have the votes in the u.s. senate to sustain himself in an impeachment trial. so the president chose to resign rather than face trial. senate did not know he would resign. they had spent time writing rules and getting ready to hold a serious impeachment trial. host: so it was 25 years later, 1999, bill clinton faced impeachment. republican house and senate, democratic president. the house voted out perjury and obstruction of justice and the trial began early january, just like now. what else should we know? mr. ritchie: it happened at the end of congress and the house of representatives, house republicans had lost votes in that election. it was not clear what they were about to do. they did not have a big investigation. they depended on the report that was done by kenneth starr into the clinton issue. it was thrust on the senate. i remember there was a feeling in the senate, people holding their breath, hoping it would not come. we in the historical offi

develop a bipartisan support for the articles that led a group of republican senators including barry goldwater and howard baker to tell president nixon that he must resign. some say that the nixon impeachment might not have moved forward were it not for those four courageous republicans by congressman railsback and it pained the congressman because he credited nixon with giving him his seat. with getting him elected. he did it because he said, seeing all the evidence, it was something we had to do because the evidence was there. one of his aides, ray lahood, eulogized him saying he felt an obligation to the constitution to do what is right. now, soon, members of this body will face the most momentous of decisio decisions. not as i said at the outset between guilt and innocence but a far more foundational issue. should there be a fair trial? shall the house be able to present its case with witnesses and documents through the use of subpoenas as has been the case in every impeachment trial in history? now, the president's lawyers have been making their case outside of this chamber, threatening t

within a week, senator goldwater and others from the senate went to the president and said, you won't have a single vote in the senate, you must resign or you will be removed from office. because of the evidence in the smoking gun tape. but what was on the smoking gun tape? the smoking gun tape, where recordings of president nixon instructing white house officials to pressure the cia and the fbi to end the watergate investigation. no law explicitly prohibited that conversation. it was not in that sense a crime. president nixon had abused his power, tried to use two government agencies, the fbi and the cia for his personal benefit. his impeachment and removal was certain and he announced his resignation within days. decades later, in president clinton's case, the judiciary committee reported on the articles of impeachment stated, the absence of president clinton did not have to rise to the level of violating a federal statute regarding obstruction of justice in order to justify impeachment. there is thus overwhelming authority against restricting impeachments to violations of establish

argues that the 1964 presidential campaign against the hawkish barry goldwater influenced johnson's desirebe seen as a strong foreign-policy president. welcome. today's subject is lyndon johnson. he is best remembered by

and it demolished barry goldwater on the foreign-policy front.esident was an amateur at foreign policy, and why had the congress voted unanimously to give him the power to wage war? admiral's grasp of foreign policy, or congress would not have abdicated its own responsibility and allowed this one man to decide what was appropriate. about johnson's escalation of the vietnam this weekend on c-span three. next, william paterson university history professor theodore cook talks about his book "japan at war: an oral history." he discusses the japanese perspective on world war ii leading up to the december 7, 1941 attack on pearl harbor. the new york military affairs symposium hosted this event. [applause] dr. theodore cook is professor of history and the asian studies program director at william paterson university. it is good to have him home again. his degree in history from trinity

develop a bipartisan support for the articles that led a group of republican senators including barry goldwater to tell president nixon he must resign. some say the nixon impeachment if not for those for courageous republicans for the congressman it pained him because it credited nixon with giving him his seat and getting him electe elected. he did it because after seeing all the evidence it's something we had to do because the evidence was there he was eulogized to say he felt an obligation to the constitution to do what is right. soon members of the body will face the most momentous of these decisions. not at the outset of guilt or innocence but a far more foundational issue. should there be a fair trial? with the use of subpoenas of every impeachment trial the president's lawyers have been making their case outside this chamber are threatening to stall the proceedings with false claims of privilege having persuaded the body with some consideration of witnesses and documents, they now appear to say it's too late to consider them next week. but consider this the hundreds of documents we have s

barry goldwater, mr.onservative republican, versus nelson rockefeller, new york eastern establishment. they lost to a guy with a write-in, and i think that was because people were upset with the choices, and people who may have not had a particular party affiliation decided they were going to do that. and 1968 was certainly on antiwar vote and 1972 an antiwar vote. you have people going on one side or another as a result of that. i think that trump is the $64 million question. just what has been trump's effect on the electorate? he has the republican party in his pocket, but are a lot of undeclareds upset with trump going to go into the democratic primary to vote for one of those people, hoping they can beat trump? or are they going to go in a republican field and go for -- it is pretty much governor wells, the only one running on that side. he thinks he is going to do better than i think he is going to do. i think the republicans are going to go for trump. trump people. and a lot of undeclareds will go d

when i first came to the hill, senators like, you know, hubert humphrey and musky and goldwater, they walked around like senators. today they don't. >> is that impressive or phony to you? do you know what i mean by that? >> i think it fits within a genre of phoniness for people that came of age when i do. we hear the iraq war, immense institutional failure. many graduated college in the wake of the financial failure and totally destructive to job markets and why trump got so much purchase with the voters is institutional failures. the senate as a failure? generating the affection? i don't think so. >> speaker pelosi is walking. you see adam schiff, jerry nadler. she is walking on the way to where she will sign these. we are told we're under the two-minute warning. we expect to hear from speaker pelosi again. one of the lines, chris, that stuck out to us this morning to remind people no matter what happens in the senate he's been impeached forever. they can never erase that. >> a statement for life. like a priest for life. a perfect statement of which she is. i think she is reverential

i was so irritated about goldwater voting against the civil rights bill, and kinda defining the republican party in a way that i felt would be fortunate that i voted for lynden johnson. which in retrospect was a huge mistake. but it was a protest. as a protest vote. lamar alexander: for the feeling carried over into your senate days. you voted, when president reagan vetoed the sanction on south africa, you voted not to override art, i mean, you did vote to override his veto. most republicans did not do. it. mitch mcconnell: i just felt like reagan who is bothered by people like you and me something wrong about whether or not south african sanctions could work. when other people think that sanctions never work and occasionally they do. they work in south africa and in burbank, a number of years later. i thought reagan was wrong. i did vote to override his veto. lamar alexander: how did you get interested in an extraordinary thing that lasted over 20 years. i remember watching you stand up and make speeches on the senate floor. i really wondered what you're doing. mitch mcconnell: i started