award, the woodrow wilson professorship of english, the woodrow wilson scholars program, and so on. stance, deploying wilson's name was a mark of high esteem. even though some students declared that princeton had not substantially changed since wilson's era, the fact of the matter is the university had changed significantly, if belatedly, in measurable ways. the measurement was mostly related in terms of demographic change over time. women, racial, sexual, and religious minorities, international students, all were now regular members of the community. however, the vestiges of earlier ideologies lingered. it wasn't just about woodrow wilson. his name was the most easily attached to the set of values that the university no longer admired in full. the legacy review committee acknowledged this and made it clear it was committed to a university that was welcoming and inclusive. while the committee recommended that wilson's name remain attached to the various buildings and awards, it declared that princeton was obliged to be a better and more honest steward over its history, acknowledging

woodrow wilson.elt split the republican vote. if roosevelt had won the nomination unopposed by taft, the republicans with roosevelt would have won. wilson understood this, but interpret interpreted this as a sign of divine approval. >> only two years after entering politics, woodrow wilson is one of the most powerful men in the world. >> wilson's rise in politics was one of the most rapid rises one could think of. he rode that momentum and immediately as president put forward a string of progressive reforms. >> bitterly disappointed by his defeat, teddy roosevelt returns to exploring and writing. six years later he suddenly dies from a blood clot. he's just 60 years old. >> taft goes to roosevelt's funeral. and long after everyone else has left, taft is seen alone at the grave site weeping. >> and i think that that speaks to the affection that taft really had for roosevelt. and also speaks to what roosevelt did when he decided to stand for a third time. he damaged a very real friendship. >> taft is b

. >> but woodrow wilson is an unlikely politician. >> wilson was a press by teern, but down style, churchng, did not swear, didn't curse. some people thought he will a pickled demeanor. >> if wilson stands a chance at the winning the governorship, he needs to learn how to play the plolitical game. >> in order to run and win as a democrat during that time, you needed to have the endorsement. the party bosses of the machine, which controlled the party. >> wilson needs the backing of new jersey democrat boss jim smith, a one-time senator who is a protector of big business. >> jim smith, sees someone he can control. someone that will do his bidding. >> so there's this expectation that if he brings wilson along and helps him to become the governor of new jersey that wilson will return the favor for jim smith. >> but jim smith has misjudged his man. >> woodrow wilson is successful. he becomes the democratic governor of new jersey and immediately casts aside the support of the boss jim smith. >> wilson decides he's not going to play ball. he wants to establish his own reputation as a progressive

i am the executive director at the woodrow wilson house. it is truly my pleasure to alcome you to the first of series of speaking events we are going to have on a suffrage series. the wilson house, if you have not been here before, is part of the national trust for historic preservation. wilson and his wife lived in this house. edith turned it over to the national trust in 1961 on her death. it has been lovingly cared for. we welcome you tonight. i wanted to tell you about how we started this speaker series. manager said to me this summer when i first started the job there is a commission on the suffrage and i think we should go to that meeting. it is the women's suffrage centennial commission. i said ok. i will go with you. we went down to the library of congress and we sat at a big table. they were about 20 women in the root. a big square table. there were another 20 women on the telephone. everyone goes around introducing themselves. they are from the alice paul house, this commission and that commission. from the national portrait galler

i am the executive director at the woodrow wilson house. is truly my pleasure to alcome you to the first of series of speaking events we are going to have on a suffrage series. the wilson house, if you have not been here before, is part of the national trust for historic preservation. wilson and his

it focuses on a history of slavery in new england. , a talk about woodrow wilson dealing with racialut his career, particularly as his time as princeton university president and later as president of the u.s.

my name is elizabeth carter, and i am the executive director at the woodrow wilson house. o the first of a series of speaking events that we are going to have on a suffrage series. so the wilson house, if you have , not been here bere

been mentioned woodrow wilson, this incredibly radical demagogic approach of speaking directly to the population, attempting to persuade the people. it works for him. he is elected and then elected again and elected again and all of a sudden the presidency itself is transformed over time and that is why people have to consider the 2020 election to be a question of ratification of trump's use of presidential power. if trump is reelected, that is the american public saying we think this is tolerable. in a democracy the people get the presidency they want and that they care to protect. if trump is voted out of office there's a more complicated question which is which norms do we choose to restore? let's assume a democrat comes into the office in january of 2021 and that person will be able to pick, they might say the fbi director seems like a perfectly nice person but i want my own fbi director. it would be hard for congress to come back and say how could you possibly -- this 10 year term is important. the president has to decide whether or not that is the norm worth protecting. presiden

during world war i, woodrow wilson asserted this as a basic american right. we should not have to worry that our lives in are danger when we are traveling. now americans are saying no, it is too dangerous. it is okay for the federal government to forbid that so if it happens, et cetera not our responsibility, the government doesn't have to protect people or avenge people who have been hurt in this way. again, should the united states allow american ships to go anywhere or should they stay out of war zones? 84%, stay out of war zones. again, this is the opposite of the first world war. wilson had argued that americans ships should be free to go wherever they want. we are a neutral country. we are not at war. we should not be endangered just because we are carrying on trade. now, in the 1930s, again, this is right at the beginning of the war itself, september, 1939. 84% said stay out of the war zones. so there is some movement on that one point, should we be allowed to sell arms to britain and france. but on all the other proposals, americans stayed where they

eat be and you have a conversation between the president of the united states woodrow wilson. woodrow wilson and then there's a conversation with this young 28 year old activists from jacksonville, florida. wta beat the boys says in 1918 in a crisis magazine, which had been his sentiment for years before 1917 is that african americans should put their separate grievances aside, close ranks with the right -- white brother and and fight. that was around the same time where a president wilson goes before joint session of congress on april 2nd and that seven-page speech we all remember that nine, ten, 11 word phrase where we must fight to make the world safe for democracy. when african americans here that, they believe because they are citizens, they are third, fourth and fifth generation americans. the leading scholar is saying close ranks, most african americans believe that. many of them will support the war. however, there is a third conversation going on. rand off, when you walk into the exhibition, you see his quote, we would rather make georgia safe -- each one of those hav

two months later, in january, 1918, president woodrow wilson, changed his position and began to supportendment. >> when we return -- >> did you notice throughout the show, we didn't use the term suffragett when our daughter and her kids moved in with us... kids, bedtime! ...she was worried we wouldn't be able to keep up. course we can. what couldn't keep up was our bargain detergent. turns out it's mostly water, and that doesn't work as well on stains. so, we switched back to tide. one wash, stains are gone. kind of like our quiet time. [daughter: slurping] what are you doing? don't pay for water. tide is concentrated with three times the active cleaning ingredients. if it's got to be clean, it's got to be tide. soledad: finally, did you notice throughout the show that we didn't use the term, suffragette? there's a reason and it requires a bit of a grammar lesson. the women's suffrage movement happened in great britain and america at around the same time and in 1906 a british reporter wrote about the activists calling them "suffragettes". suffrage means the right to vote in a political

it focuses on a history of slavery in new england. , a talk about woodrow wilson dealing with racial issues throughout his career, particularly as his time as princeton university president and later as president of the u.s. narrator: that is the new girl. it is her first day. some people say there will be trouble. some saw trouble coming from the start. ♪ >> good office management begins at home. you are late. >> guilty, sir. >> you better hurry. my coffee is probably getting cold. >> it is a wonder i love to get up in the morning. i've got such a nice boss to look forward to. incidentally, did you see the urgent note i left? >> policy meeting at 9:15? >> yes. mr. dennis got back from washington late yesterday and called the meeting after you had gone. >> thanks. it is a new government contract. was there any information? >> i tried to finesse information from his secretary, and she is as informative as a quiz program. >> i had better get going. have black coffee waiting for me. >> good office management begins at home. >> whatever they do, they are going to make health for that new

michael kugelman is deputy director of the asia programme at the woodrow wilson centre in washington. be seen as a landmark deal. this is the closest that afghanistan has been to launching a formal peace process. they have been so many false starts, so many u nsuccessful efforts false starts, so many unsuccessful efforts to false starts, so many u nsuccessful efforts to lau nch some type of process to bring a deal between the us and the taliban, resulting in the opportunity to launch a peace process but that has not happened until now so this is an agreement. it is in perfect but it is historic. it has been a19 but it is historic. it has been a 19 year while since going and in 2001 for the us. is this an acknowledgement that they have lost? i do not think so but i think a key us objective is to project this deal is something very different from a surrender. plenty of people in afghanistan means that the us has no interest in staying in afghanistan and simply wants to let the taliban and the afghan government work things out so thatis government work things out so that is why i think i

woodrow wilson said that is not how it should be. been a been -- has strain in a foreign policy since then. we sometimes talk about wilsonian idealism. we can work together for a common purpose in a common good. i think the real meaning of it is tohow important end your wars. about how to end them. they are surprisingly easy to get into. by wrapping them up successfully is often a very difficult thing. clausewitz tells us that war is the beginning -- continuation of policy through other means. how can we get that out of the war? analysts, andtary one of my favorite book said, we fight wars for a better piece. aboutd not like something the situation that you decided to go to war and spend billions of dollars of treasure and lose hundreds of thousands of lives. on that note, let's leave our discussion of the yalta conference and think about what might haveace meant in 1945. ofill and with the words douglas macarthur. these proceedings are closed. [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its c

. >> and woodrow wilson is probably 9 grethe great negative example of how a president should manage emic. people got sick in kansas and wilson was told by his medical people don't ship them to europe because this pandemic will spread. wilson said it is much more important to proceed with the war effort. he was worried that the government would become unpopular. and the result was that they were put on ships and in very close quarters. they were later called coffin ships because they were so close together that the disease spread, a lot of people died. got to europe. the illness spread through europe. and there wasn't much known about it and the reason it was called the spanish flu was baud spain was a neutral country and reported on cases as some of these other countries did not and so it took on this misnomer of spanish flu. but wilson was just a terrible manager of this. i mean, for instance there was a nursing shortage because a lot of the nurses were working on soldiers who were at the front and there were many trained african-american nurses available that were not called on. >>

at the end of his canadian tour, edward decides to tack on a visit to america where president woodrow wilson has invited him. >> he's given a ticker tape parade in manhattan and people are just delighted to see him. >> he falls in love with the u.s. and american way of life. >> for him the wide open spaces represent a life of freedom. somewhere where he can be his own man. in charge of his own destiny. >> edward loves north america so much that he buys a cattle ranch. and he has the fancy that one day he'll be able to retire from public life and go live out a private existence on this ranch. >> he's got all of these responsibilities. he's representing the british throne. and then at the same time there are things he wants to do. he loves the social life. he loves to go dancing. he really is a kind of jazz-age prince. >> the prince's flirtation with america will set him on a collision course. not only with his father but also with the entire house of windsor. is that net carbs or total?... eh, not enough fiber- chocolate would be good- snacking should be sweet and simple. the delicious taste

. >> at the woodrow wilson center, we just came out of a cold war where there was a serious deterrence that worked on the ground. is there any development of deterrence in this new warfare and should the u.s. become more aggressive to stop the attack on the united states? >> beyond the claim i'm skeptical of deterrence and one of the themes of the book that comes through in almost every chapter is that so many policymakers and scholars conceptualized the cyber operations as operations for signaling purpose just like in the cold war for coercion or deterrence simply changing how the other side plays its hand. but i argue is at least it can be observed in practice and are better for shaving. as for changing hofor changing e plays its hand is stacking the deck. beyond some high threshold killing a lot of people where we respond with a military strike i think we overrate the feasibility of this domain and we underrated how useful it is a statewide competition. >> so the u.s. you think is doing too much for signaling. >> i would have said that two or three years ago. after i started writing

the woodrow wilson said, that is not how it should be. that has been a strain in the u.s.eign-policy since then. in the roosevelt administration. we can work together for a common purpose and common good. a wonderful book called "the wilsonian moment." it is about the post world war i period and then maybe you could draw some conclusion about world war ii. i think the real meaning of yalta is how important it is to end your wars. to think about how you end wars. they are surprisingly easy to get into. but wrapping them up successfully and any kind of conclusive fashion is often a very difficult thing. clausewitz tells us that war is the continuation of politics by other means. you have to consider this from the beginning of the war. why are we fighting, how can we get out of it? a british military analysts, and one of my favorite book said, we -- why do we fight wars for a better piece. you did not like so much about the situation that you decided to go to war and spend billions of dollars of treasure and lose hundreds of thousands of lives in america and millions of mccai

woodrow wilson said that is not how it should be. that has beena strain in u.s. u.s. foreign foreign policy policy since then since then. and and certainly in the roosevelt certainly in the roosevelt administration administration, we we sometimes sometimes they will still say onion idealism, that we that we can work together can work for a pot common together for common purpose in common. purpose and common good good a wonderful book by faith errors is noaa double. a book called the sonia moment. i smithsonian moment, if you've would urge you to never had a chance to read it read, i would urge you about post world war to world about the post one period and draw some world war one people -- conclusions about post world war ii. i period and maybe will end with draw some conclusions this, i think the about world war ii. real meaning of reality i will end with this, that is how important the real world it is to and your wars. to view all to think about how you -- think about how end wars. you and wars. they are surprisingly there are surprisingly easy to get easy to get i

a year earlier, president woodrow wilson had rammed through congress the sedition act making it a crime that would affect the war effort. >> wilson created the committee for public information. the architect of that committee said, truth and lsre arbitrary terms. the force of an idea lies in its inspirational value. it matters very little if it is true or false. >> was that a license to lie to the american public? >> it was precisely that. in the united states, you had national public health leaders saying such things as, quote, this is ordinary influenza by another name, unquote. at the local level, the same kind of thing was occurring. >> reporter: with deadly consequences. no more so than in philadelphia which went ahead with a huge war bond parade in the fall of 1918 when the virus was at its most virulent. newspapers killed stories quoting the medical community saying, don't do it. >> so 48 hours later, influenza exploded around the city. the result is, it's one of the hardest hit cities in the world. and the mass graves being dug by shovels and so forth. >> how many people died? >

in 1918, woo woodrow wilson downplayed the spanish influenza and refused to take obvious caution to slowhe spread. he had a war in europe to fight and the generals couldn't distracted from the goal so the government continued to ship men to the overcrowded army camps across the country and pack them on ships to france. the virus spread exponentially. in the end, 53,000 american soldiers were killed in combat in the war. at least 675,000 americans died of the flu. could wilson have prevented that disaster? not entirely. but by early and decisive action he could have improved america's odds. what does effective action look like now? we ought to be screening people when they get off the planes from infected countries. that is not complicated. that is obvious. but at the same time that is hardly a solution. we should be honest about how much we can do to keep the coronavirus from coming here. a hundred years ago the spanish flu killed a significant percentage of the population in remote aleutian islands and that was before flights. global pandemic is inevitable. too much movement to keep the

president woodrow wilson decided enough was enough, they were getting way too much attention and distractingrom the work of the presidency. as they were imprisoned, in a way they were against wilson and those who wanted to defeat the amendment and their spirit of advocacy, so they became even more famous. these were very educated, brilliant women, so as more and more were arrested, adding to their ranks, and finally when they were released they realized they had survived prison, which was heroic, and they had a special story to tell. so they went around the nation making sure everyone knew they had just and been released from prison -- just been released from prison and giving it a sense of urgency, a huge sense of sacrifice that they were willing to give literally, to let themselves -- after a while they knew they would be arrested so you can imagine what that took. >> ask your questions this is an out of the canaveral florida >> you with us? >> good morning. >> go ahead. >> two things. perhaps your engineers could put up a picture of someone in a hobble skirt. my mother paraded for the e.r

. >>> woodrow wilson is often remembered by historians as a top ten american president.world war i. he was even awarded the nobel peace prize for creating the league of nations after what was supposed to be the war to end all wars. a leelg that became the precursor to the united nations. but wilson's legacy also includes his deep racism and coddling of the exploding klu klux klan and his mismantel handling of the spanish flu which killed 675,000 americans between 50 and 100 million people around the world. and now donald trump's handling of the coronavirus outbreak has drawn comparisons to the 28th president because like wilson, trump has down played the grave situation the country is in. joining me now is jon meacham, nbc political analyst and also the author of the book "hope and glory, the reflections on the last words of jesus from the cross." that seems like something i'm going to add to my reading list immediately after this show. i have to add that in. jon, i have long been in the, please remove wilson from the top ten among historical rankings category. i've pret

the four-way race between william howard taft, party nominee theodore roosevelt, woodrow wilson and socialisteview. >> by 1910 america is a nation divided between d. a split reflected across both plolitical parties. >> the republican party a taft's progressive in some ways and his instincts are conservative, i think. >> taft was closely aligned with the more conservative factions in the republican party. who were not interested in changing the way things were done. >> but taft's old friend and mentor teddy roosevelt is ab enthusiastic progressive in the republican party. >> roosevelt really felt that the republican party under taft was starting to be lackeys to big business. they were becoming poodles for the wall street entrepreneurs. >> theodore roosevelt is becoming dissatisfied with the taft administration ask believes he's made a grave mistake. >> the truth of the matter is that when he thought that the only successor to roosevelt could be roosevelt. starting to think maybe i could do this again. >> tim is the cent presidential his torn and former director of the nixon presidential libra

woodrow wilson was president when it arrived but we had a root -- a succession of republican presidentswas their correlation between the recession and the flu, and what people were choosing at the polls? amity: there was a great hygiene movement. right? you want to imagine the first handwashing movement. some of that is in the library of congress. wash her hands. it was very powerful. there were no antibiotics. there were a lot of clocks coming out. you want to look for the >> two, now, those are ideas that want to -- that might seem off. think it was at republican or democrat problem at the time because nobody really up the time believed the government could do much about an epidemic. the federal government. they looked at the states and towns, they looked to themselves and understood that sometimes, disease came that cannot be stopped. because we have so much more in our farmer copia, in our medical arsenal, we look more to governments because they can deliver. a company can make the vaccine. the government might help to deliver it or the government might get in the way of the deliver

organizations -- support from numerous organizations including the andrew w mellon foundation, the woodrow wilson national foundation, the american council of learned societies, that your public library, and the niehaus center for the humanities. we are happy to see the connections there as well. join me in welcoming dr. brenna greer. [applause] can everyone hear me? great. i need toet going, take an opportunity to thank the people who made it possible for me to be here with you today. most notably dr. gillespie, but rhonda patrick and antoinette burrell who facilitated every aspect of my visit. it has been lovely. i'm very appreciative to have this opportunity to be a part of this series. i am more than a bit envious of this opportunity you have on a weekly basis to come and experience and consider various takes on race. that is quite a luxury. it seems like a productive and collective space for that. it's an honor to be here. i should thank you for being here. i will do my best to honor your choice to spend your lunch hour with me. see, the title is "the civil rights work of black capitalists."

[inaudible] pushed over a hundred years ago by the likes of woodrow wilson and john dewey, theodore rooseveltthers. you can see it devout as one institution and another. the media work for the perspective of the left, social activists. it's progressive. you see it every day. you see it on the sunday shows. you look at hollywood, same thing, but our public schools, that's where they're targeting. don't teach math without teaching it in a social setting. don't teach chemistry without teaching it in a social setting, a social engineering setting and it has an impact on society at some point. is the progressive movement, the radical progressive movement, there was some resistance, has it devoured that party now? >> i hope not. for the good of the country we should want at least moderate democrats to have a voice. there is nothing good for the future of our republic, this gift that we been given, to have the opposition party go full over in marxist. i'm so glad you mentioned because he was the gateway to karl marx and plato was the gateway to russo and. >> your well read. >> thank you. >> and aris

. >> dave ottaway at the woodrow wilson center.we just came out of a cold war where there's a theory of deterrence. there was a theory and it worked on the ground. is there any development of theory of deterrence in this new warfare and should the u.s. become more aggressive in order to stop the attacks on the united states? beyond some pretty high thresholds i am skeptical of deterrence to when it came to this book that comes through no most every chapter is that so many policymakers in so many scholars conceptualize cyber operations as operations for signaling purposes just click in the cold war where coercion and deterrence. changing out the other side plays its hand. they are much better for not laughing at for stacking the deck. that's a messy cat and mouse business and beyond some very high thresholds where we responded with the kinetic strike i think we probably overrate deterrence feasibility in this domain and we underestimate how useful it is as a tool of competition. >> the u.s. is doing too much signaling or not enough

what's shifted was i argue woodrow wilson's innovation during world war i. wilson believed not w only that you needed to tie a new foreign policy paradigm of liberal globalism, you have to type the possibility of domestic progressive reforms and be willing to intervene on the ground militarily in europe to indicate democracy overseas, but you also need to be willing to make the global multilateral commitments. so that is a paradigm shift to the founders of. they've never quite agreed on how to tackle or counter that liberal internationalist tradition. there've been internal divisions and debates and we see this over and over again and keep saying it. when it fits into the multilateral commitments, they basically believe that you should have alliances overseas, a robust american prisons and active overseas. he wanted i in alliance with britain and france into the league of nations and thought that it was overly optimistic and unrealistic. then there's a second group on the other end of the dark bonne interventionists and yononintere this with libertarian, con

only broken by johnson, cleveland, and woodrow wilson, so we are very much in a pro-tariff protectionistra. how did that contribute to the change in the american economy? peter: how much you attribute to the tariffs and how much you attribute to other factors is always complex and nobody will ever know. but certainly in the latter half of the 1800s, tariffs are gigantic. you have really high tariffs. i would say it is really a question of large tariffs or even large tariffs. there is never a time of particularly low tariffs. by the 1850's the role is really recognizing the united states as an industrial power. there is a great desire to protect and service those manufacturing firms. and the tariffs are one element to it. now, there is also tremendous improvements. there is technological change. there is huge investment in industry. so some of the push forward is coming from those sources as well. and so ascribing too much to tariffs is certainly risky, but it is fair to say that in terms of industry getting its way it's golden period. susan: did they contribute to the gilded age milliona

i mentioned the woodrow wilson house. houseilson left the white , he actually had a wine collection and he did not want to leave it behind because his warren harding was a heavy drinker. so wilson got a permit to collection.s wine if you had alcohol in your prohibition before prohibition, that was yours to keep. they were not going to take it from you. you could not manufacture, sell, or transport. you had to get special permission to transport out from the white house to his new house . andot that permit approved they came by the house. we had a prohibition tour and at the end of the tour, they saw the prohibition era winds -- wine cellar. it was really unique. it's amazing. now look right up front. that short bottle in the center, that is cointreau. the packaging has hardly changed. it's amazing. many of the bottles, we believe, wilson got from the french ambassador's house. grateful forvery helping to save france, so we believe that the wilson's got a perpetual resupply from the french embassy. they were considered fore

announcer: next on the presidency, jonathan holloway talks about how woodrow wilson dealt with racialues throughout his public career, particularly during his time as president of princeton university. and later as president of the united states. is provost of northwestern university and a professor of african-american studies. he is also a fellow in social and put it thought at the wilson center in washington dc, which hosted the event. ms. harman: good afternoon. welcome, everybody. i am jane harman

the most authoritative sources suggest was a pittsburgh industrialist, woodrow wilson, mon an horse in london, manhattan socialite, benjamin franklin. one of the caesars are the anonymous makers of japanese and chinese water clocks. toy prisoning forward "is a portrait of pock policy in 20th century, perennial boiling caldron of unsubstantiated science, mysteriously shifting time zone boundaries. a special comedy with congress in at the leading roll. surrounded by a support cast of opportunistic ministers, movie moguls, stock both brokers, sports fanatics and railroad executives, michael downing this author of four novels including breakfast with scott and shoes outside the door, a history of the scandal that rocked the san francisco center. he teaches creative writing at tufts university join me in welcoming michael doning to the odyssey book shop. [applause] >> thank you, joan, thank you all for turning up and i just do want to start by saying, it's rare to feel at home in the world and i'm so grateful to the odyssey and other independent book stores in america that make writers and

during world war i woodrow wilson asserted this as a basic american right. we should not have to worry our lives are in danger when we're traveling. now americans say, no, it's too dangerous. it's okay for the government to forb forbid that so if it happens it's not our responsibility. the government has to protect people or avenge people who have been hurt in this way. again, should the united states allow american ships to go anywhere or should they stay out of war zones? 84% stay out of war zones. and this is after the first world war. wilson had argued american ships should be free to go anywhere they want. we're a neutral country, not at war. we should not be endangered just because we'rekerrying on trade. september 1939, 84% said stay out of the war zones. so there's some movement on that one point. should we be allowed to sell arms to britain and france? but on all the other proposals americans stayed where they were. keep the neutrality legislation. don't change it to allow these pit falls for becoming possible pit falls in the next war. so why did a

woodrow wilson didn't tell the american people anything. actually gave them misinformation which added to the crisis. and donald trump seems to be beyond ideology. a conservative president might hesitate before putting the full weight of the federal government behind this. and a democrat president might hesitate before allowing the private sector to become involved. obama as you know had all these regulations against private clinics who are now trying to vaccines. with trump you got a mon man born for this moment. he unites target, walmart, pelosi, mnuchin. he is willing to turn loose government, willing to turn loose the private sector. he wants to do good. the desire to be a good president. i think it is a healthy thing in spite of all the criticism. stuart: doug, thanks for being with us. and bringing to us your lengthy experience. thanks, doug, you're all right. bring you this item of news. it is important. the vice president's press secretary on twitter has shot down reports that we're about to enter a national shutdown. that is again,

woodrow wilson silenced the media and did not want the anti-sedition act made it a crime to criticizehe government and the war. i see this shadow of the censor the media, do not let them report bad news about trump is the same thing woodrow wilson did during the spanish flu. here is a few more comments from twitter and our text messaging service. derek on facebook saying we need more than physical stimulus, we need honest, forthright leadership. this from sterling, virginia, yes, we need a stimulus and response to the coronavirus. it blows me away people are blaming the media. blame our ill prepared government. into corporations, that should cover everything and lynn saying the focus needs to be on nursing homes and hospital workers who may not be provided paid time off for sickleave. many people go to work while sick because they cannot afford to lose a day's pay. democrats have focused on paid sick leave as part of policy proposals. they also have talked about expanding unemployment insurance , anfood subsidy programs effort to protect against price gouging and free coronavirus test

call bipartisan tradition well into the 20th century and so what really shifted was i argue woodrow wilson's innovation, during world war i. wilson believed not only that you needed to tie a new foreign-policy paradigm that we call today liberal internationalism or globalism, you need to tie that the possibility of domestic progressive reforms in every country . you needed to be willing to intervene on the ground militarily in your to indicate democracy overseas but also need to be willing to make global binding multilateralcommitments . worldwide as the intended with the league of nations, particularly under article 10 so that's a paradigm shift, that's an alternative to the founders and wilson understood it as such and so did his republican critics which is what gave them pause. from the beginning republicans and conservatives have never quite agree on how wto tackle or counter or accommodate that liberal internationalist tradition, that will sony and tradition that had been internal divisions and debate and we see this over and over again and we will probably keep seeing it. i say there's

1922, but of equal importance, i would argue, were the political aims adopted by the president, woodrow wilson, as the u.s. entered the great war in 1917. and i quote one of his speeches. no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, little along with the great and the powerful. i am proposing government by consent of the government. now, wilson did not have ireland in mind when he said this, but he created an international framework in which an independent ireland was a reasonable demand. as a considerable number of new states took shape around the end of the war. in fact, a third of our european partners are states that were founded somewhere between 1917 and 1919, '20, '21. we were, i suppose, founded in a formal sense in '22. during the war of independence, british prime minister lloyd george was most concerned about american opinion. given britain's need for congressional approval for relief on a huge war debt. an american-born pol