bus in the jim crow railroad car and here is a jim crow bus. in the first half of the twentieth century behavior and etiquette for african-americans was prescribed by geography and custom. if you were from a particular place you knew what the rules were, the rules changed from place to place throughout the united states. each state had its own rule. each community had its own expected etiquette, and still didn't know the rules, particular driving etiquette was also a thing. african-americans faced segregation in most aspects of public travel and accommodation in the south. it was over. in the north it was dictated by customs, of buses, trains, hotels, restaurants and just about any place people gather. this is the jim crow railroad car, insulting, humiliating selfy and although they were only supposed to run in the south many ran in the north as well. even if they purchased the first class ticket also expected to go into the jim crow car. it is a columbia golf railroad car from 1929 and you can see the word colored on the back seat. the automob

here is a jim crow bus. and the first half of the 20th century, behavior and etiquettes for african-americans was prescribed by geography and by custom. if you were from a particular place, you knew what the rules were. rules change from place to place. throughout the united states. each state had its own rules. each community had its own expected etiquette. an did not know the rules of racial etiquette. particular driving etiquette was also expected. african-americans faced segregation in most aspects of public travel and accommodation in the south where it was overt. but in the north, it was dictated by custom so it was the fact of segregation of buses, taxis, trains, hotels, restaurants, beaches, and just about any place that people gathered. this is a jim crow railroad car. insulting, emulating, as well as dependent on timetables. although they were only supposed to write in the south, many of them ran in the north as well. african-americans, even if you purchase a first-class ticket were often expected

also the ability to avoid the indignity of the jim crow bust and railroad car. and here is the jim crow bus in the first half of the 20th century coming here is etiquette for african-americans split by geography and customs. if you are from a particular place, you knew what the rules were. you don't change from place to place throughout the united states. each state had its own rules each community had its own accepted etiquette and still you don't know the rules for racial etiquette african-americans face segregation mode aspect of public travel and accommodation in the south but it was overt and dictated by custom so de facto segregation hotels and restaurants and beaches and just about any place that people gathered. and this is the jim crow railroad car humiliating and filthy the filthy although they were only supposed to go to the south even if you purchased a first-class ticket going into the jim crow car and you can see the word colored. the automobile gave african-americans freedom and from the tyranny that offered freedom of movement and dignity african

>> hear the term jim crow and i've been reading, there's no such person as jim crow. where did that name come from? how did it get associated with that period and it seemed to apply nto the south and some areas of the north, too. >> jim crow, it is a -- it comes out of the ministral generation and it is in parts of the north and in -- it's not just in the south. some people are argued that there are instances of jim crow legislation earlier in northern states than in former confederate and slave-holding states. but i mean, the heart of jim crow is in the former slave-holding states, and it's in place pretty much by the end of the 19th century and remained in place into all of our lifetimes, or most of our lifetime. not your lifetime, but most of our lifetimes. i drove from colorado, i but born in l.a., grew up in colorado, my mother and grandmother and i drove east to see civil war battlefields when i was 14. and in the summer of 1965. and that was my first exposure to sort of the the remnants of jim crow at that point. it was getting late in jim crow but it was still

this is a jim crow railroad car. insulting, humiliating selfie as dependent on timetables. they were only supposed to ride in the south, many ran in the north as well and african-americans, even if you purchased a first-class ticket and was not expected to go into the jim crow car. this was columbia engulfed car in 1929. and you can see the word colored on the backseats the automobile gave africans freedom. it freed black travelers from the puny of the jim crow railroad car in the freedom of movement and offer dignity. african-americans found that the segregated trains that gave them no dignity. here is your own private rolling living room, if you are driving in your own car with private space that was protected, you are free from the segregated insult and free from listening to the bus driver to tell you to move to the back of the bus and you are freed from the railcar that might be right behind the engine. this is really an important change in african-american life, the automobile. by the 1950s with the interstate highway system upwardly mobile like family were able to tr

>> you talked about jim crow and i have been reading there's no such person as jim crow.mes out of the min -- minstrel tradition and jim crow is in parts of the north, not just the south. some have argued there are instances of jim crow legislation earlier in northern states than former slave holding states but the heart of the jim crow is in the former slave holding states and remained in place into most of our lifetimes. not your lifetime but most of our lifetimes. i drove from colorado, i was born in l.a. but grew up in colorado. my mother and grandmother and i drove east to see civil war battlefields when i was 14 and in the summer of 1965 and that was my first exposure to sort of the remnants of jim crow at that point. it was getting very late in jim crow but it was still, i saw a couple of fountains, white fountains, colored fountains. i had never seen that in colorado and i'm not saying colorado gets off the hook, i'm just saying i hadn't seen it there. so it stretches well into the second half of the 20th century but it's in place lie the late 19th. (inaudible) it

and here is a jim crow bus. in the first pass of the 20th century, behavior and etiquette for african-americans was prescribed by geography and by custom. if you are some particular, he moved over. the world changed from place to place throughout the united states. each state and some rule. each community has its own expected etiquette. this does not know the rules of racial etiquette for example. particular driving etiquette was also expected. african americans a segregation's in aspects of the public travel and accommodation in south where it was overt but in the north is dictated by customs. so is de facto segregation. have buses taxis and trains, hotels restaurants beaches, and just about any place the people gathered. this is a jim crow railroad car. his filthy as well as dependent on others. they were only supposed run in the south, many of the men in the north as well. african-americans even if you purchased the first class ticket, were often expected to go into the jim crow card. this is a columbia and g

marshall was one of my favorite because i think sometimes his contribution to breaking the back of jim crow and traveling dark roads and going into the old white court rooms and giving it under death threats, it was important to have good legal dimensions while everyone else is out on the street protesting and doing said saved games sitting in. he can't accept the idea that it was possible. also as a great orator there was a lot of debate. people were getting added on and it was very spirited. >> host: the co-author of the book on clarence thomas, was he considered for this? >> guest: he was raised a supreme court justice he certainly was someone who was raised. there were a lot of people that were raised that i think we were mindful of also not trying to make these choices based on ideology or based on factors this person was isolated we try to look at achievement and what was done. tiger woods isn't on here and louis armstrong is another that was debated. part of it, the process was we thought about we don't want to have it overly weighted with civil rights. you could fill an entire book

were obvious, ali, marshall was one of my favorites because sometimes it's breaking the back of jim crow through the legal system and traveling dark roads going at all white's courtrooms doing it under important while everybody else is out in the streets protesting enduring citizens. he was one of my favorites to be on that list. i think i argued for jesse jackson, as a four runner to rock obama, he kind of first set the idea it was possible while people didn't want to run for president and also as a great orator and someone who has inspired many generations to have hope and faith. so, there was a lot of debate. people getting knocked down and added on. it was very spirited. >> host: here the co-author of a book on justice clearing drink clarence johnson, was he considered? >> guest: he was raised to in as a supreme court justice he certainly was someone who was raised. a lot of people were raised i think we were mindful also of not trying to make these choices based on ideology, or based on factors that hey, this person was isolated from the race. we tried to look at achievement and wha

of my favorites because i think thurgood marshall's contribution to really breaking the back of jim crow through the legal system and traveling dark roads and really going into all-white courtrooms and really doing under death threats. it was really important to have the legal dimension while everyone else was out in the streets and protesting and doing sit ins. he was one of my favorites to be on that list. i think argued for jessie jackson, as a forerunner to barack obama. he kind of first set the idea that it was possible to a lot of people didn't want to run for president, and also as a great oratory and some of who inspired many generations to have hope and faith. there was a lot of debate. people were getting knocked down and added on, and it was very spirited. >> host: you are the co-author of a a book on justice clarence thomas. was he considered for this "the fierce 44"? >> guest: he was raised, too. and as a supreme court justice he certainly was someone who was raised. there were a lot of people who were raised. i think that we were mindful also of not trying to make these cho

marshall was one of my favorite because thurgood marshall's contribution to breaking the back of jim crow through the legal system and traveling dark roads and really going into all-white court rooms and doing it under death threats was really important to have the legal dimension, protesting and doing sit ins, he was one of my favorites to be on the list. i argued for jesse jackson as a forerunner to barack obama and he first set the idea that it was possible. a lot of people didn't want to run for president and also is a great or greater and someone who inspired many generations to have hope and faith so there was a lot of debate, people getting knocked down and added on and it was very spirited. >> host: the co-author of a book on justice clarence thomas. was he considered for this "the fierce 44: black americans who shook up the world"? >> guest: he was raised as a supreme court justice, he was someone who was raised. a lot of people were raised. we were mindful also of not trying to make these choices based on ideology or factors that this person was isolated, we look at achievement

c1 jesse returned home to the apartment to jim crow it with menial jobs like racing horses and popping gas. >> guest: is kind of a sideshow is a really tragic outcome for somebody who had essentially regarded as defeating hitler. and really embarrassing hitler and the games in germany. see what i wanted to ask who was robert abbott's? >> guest: he was a great newspaper editor of the chicago defender was the most important publication in america for black americans. it was during a period when chicago where there is a migration, the chicago and relate nationally, in kind of a beacon for truth. and leading the way. robert abbott definitely deserved and of course journalists, we have to have journalists representation. two what was the ports of the defender? what is the importance. >> host: i think black newspapers of the time, i mean african-american were working at the papers. this is where we got our news. news like the amsterdam news and of course the afro-american, other papers from the country were black papers, they were out covering the civil rights movement, and covering injustic

champions being welcomed. >> and in fact jesse owens you write return home to the oppression of jim crow, working and basically menial jobs like raising horses and pumping gas. >> so defined up as a sideshow and was a really tragic outcome for somebody who had a centrally was regarded as defeating hitler and really embarrassing hitler in the games in germany. >> i wanted to ask who was robert abbott? >> he was a great newspaper editor, the chicago defender was one of the most important publications in america for black americans at the time it really during a period when chicago where there was a migration, the chicago and and really nationally, being kind of a beginning for truth and leading the way so robert abbott definitely deserved and of course were journalists so we got to have some journalism representation. >> that was the importance of the defender? >> i think the defender, black newspapers at the time were really, african-americans were working at the white papers. this was where we got our news and there were like the amsterdam news and of course the afro american, other pape

champions being welcomed. >> and in fact, jessie owens, right returned home to the oppression of jim crow working at basically menial jobs like racing horses and pumping gas. >> yeah, and so kind of a side show. and that was, you know, a really tragic outcome for somebody who had essentially was regarded as defeating hitler and really embarrassing hitler in the games in germanyments i wanted to ask who was robert abbott. >> a great newspaper editor. the chicago defender was one of the most important publications in america for black americans at time and during a period when chicago, where there's a migration, you know, the chicagoan and really nationally, really, being kind of pa beacon for truth and leading the way. so robert abbott definitely deserved, you know, and of course, we're journalists so we've got to have some journalism representation there. >> what was the importance of the defender? what is the importance? >> i think that black newspapers at the time. african-americans weren't working at the white house papers. this is where we got our news, and there was like, you know, t

as jim crow segregation took over, african-americans faced a new and troubling reality. this next reading is from the start of chapter four, which is titled crispus attucks meets jim crow. on a chill january day in 1879, william h palmer, an african-american revenue inspector awaited the birth of his fourth child. we cannot know the conversations he and his wife and family may have had about naming the child. but when the baby boy came into the world, he became known as crispus attucks palmer. at the age of 21, crispus still lived in norfolk with his mother and his siblings. 10 years later, he was on his own and they have three young daughters. he had a son named crispus attucks palmer jr. a few years later, he registered for the world war i draft, although he did not serve. then he was a widower and lived with his children to norfolk city, where he owned his home free and clear, and worked as a clerk at the post office. later, crispus married again. he and his second wife provided for their family. the home was worth $3500. they purchased a radio and placed a high prior

includes our isolationism in the aftermath of world war i, xenophobia, fear of immigrants, racism, jim crow america, anti-semitism in the united states. then we are responding to nazi is him amid the context of the great depression and war. in the exhibition, we are always trying to keep that context front and center. >> the opening film of the exhibition shows the context of the united states between 1918 and 1932. >> what you see is americans response to world war i. americans mourning at graves of fallen soldiers. you see the context of the united states being relatively close to immigrants that severely limited the number of immigrants who could be let in. >> you see the rise of the ku klux klan in the 1920's, as well as jim crowe america. >> all these things are precursors to the nazi's and power in 1933. in interwar. -- >> the interwar period that shape our responses to nazi is him. >> one of the myths we want to combust is the idea that americans did not have information. later on in the exhibition you'll see the americans had a deal about -- early on americans are very interested in

you see the rise of the second ku klux klan in the 1920s as well as jim crow america. all of these things are precursors to the nazis' rise to power in 1933. what you see is the preconditions that are foundational to america in the period that will shape our early responses to naziism. one of the myths we wanted to bust was the idea that americans didn't have information about the threat of naziism. in the 1930s and 1940s. later on in the exhibition, you will see that americans had a good deal of information about the murder of jews as it was happening. early on, americans are very interested in the rise of this new world leaderer hitler. we show magazines from 1932, '33, '34 at the beginning of the nazi regime where you see hitler on the cover of "time" and "news week." this is particularly fascinating. that's joseph gerbles 1933. there's a 3,000 word article in this magazine covers nazi germ an germany. what you see is, say it in your dreams, the jews are to blame. americans who were picking up magazines like this could have read about the rise of fascism in germany.

this is from chapter four which is titled crispus attucks meets jim crow. on january -- african-american revenue inspector with the birth of his fourth child. we cannot hear the conversations the family may have had about naming the child. but when the boy came into the world, he became known as crispus attucks palmer. he still lived in norfolk county at 21 with his mother and his siblings. 10 years later he was on his own and they had 10 -- they have three young daughters. he had a son named crispus attucks palmer junior. registered later, he for the draft. then he was a widower and lived with his children to norfolk city where he owned his home free and clear and worked as a clerk at the post office. later he was married again. he and his second wife provided for their family. $3500.e was worth they purchased a radio and placed a high priority on education. crispus have his post office position and rose and his oldest daughter were schoolteachers. the 17-year-old crispus junior was soon off on his own. he completed four years of college. impressive achiev

they were stories about his boyhood, about what it had been like to crisscross the jim crow south as a trial lawyer. often, fearing physical danger from wants, the police -- mobs, the police. they were terrible stories, a lot of them paired -- a lot of them. at the same time, he was so darn funny in his facial expressions and his intonations. sometimes, you are laughing at a horrible story but it was an unforgettable experience that -- experience. both the content and just listening to a master storyteller. >> of all the stories you told, the stuff that sticks in my mind today is the physical courage of being a criminal defense attorney in mississippi, western florida, and the physical risk he took. he told a story about almost getting lynched. he told stories about clients getting lynched. he told stories about being tucked into the backseat of a car to be driven to the supporters home. >> site unseen. sometimes moving in the middle the night to be unseen. he said to us, what is an easy way to tell if a confession has been coursed? -- coerced? he said, ask how big was the cop? he wo

we have jim crow sneaking back in. no, i mean it. >> tucker: jim crow? voter suppression?he right to vote in peril? what century is this? if you get everything you just heard as a complete and utter provable lie then you win tonight's award. governor ideas are not racist, they are mandatory. you can't live here without one. if you don't have and i.d. you can't drive, you can't fly, you can't apply for a mortgage, get welfare or by alcohol or tobacco. you can't hold a legal job. pretty much everyone in america has a government i.d. that had no effect whatsoever on voter turnout for any subgroup they measured. whether it was by age, gender, party or race. this is a complete and utter crock. everyone who says it knows that. voter i.d. laws stop voter fra fraud. that's not a guess. in california the democratic-controlled legislature started something called ballot harvesting were political activists are allowed to pick up ballots and then turn them into the state by hundreds of thousands. why do you get to do this? you can guess what happens next. in orange county, california,

actually as part of the reassertion of white supremacy during jim crow.ic, they were a public statement that we, as white people, run the south again after the reconstruction governments came out. i was talking about this with one of my friends the other day, the united states sort of conceives of itself as a nation that had not been defeated but we have a region in which people think of themselves as having been defeated by the nation. in that region there is also the largest proportions of african-americans who are the peoples whose liberation of the civil war would've fought over. so it's a complicated dynamic and what has often happened is that there is almost, i talk about in the dissertation of former reunion like a concession drawn like we will let you keep the south as a kind of white supremacist state and is stay in exchange of getting back for the nation with cost being felt by black people in the jim crow era but we have the repetition of this through many of the conflicts over the confederate monument. i am often saying that on the one hand wh

they were stealing jobs and wages. >> you basically say 50 years ago he was fighting for jim crow laws, fighting for his own relevance. >> guest: absolutely. they were thought and won. what you see among civil rights leaders is a search for relevance even among the activist groups. what they are pushing for, where they want emphasis placed is so at odds with the reality, hard to know where to begin. one of the previous callers, police shootings are tragic. and is that the problem today that these activists today, and in the early 1970s, 1971, shot 300 people, the most recent staff from a couple years ago, and in police shooting fatalities over the past 41/2 decades. and activist movement out there based on there being an epidemic of police shootings in this country. the facts do not bear that out. new york is not an outlier. you can look at other large cities where police shootings make up 1% or 2% of all shootings going on in the country. if there are bad cops let's root them out. if someone breaks the law and they hold a position of authority like a police officer. and they are respo

>> from the book by jesse jackson, you texted about minutes ago and he was writing for the jim crow laws and now you say he's fighting for his own relevance. >> it's been fought and run and what you see with civil rights leaders is a search for relevance. even the activist groups, what they're pushing for, where they want the emphasis placed on problems that ail the black community, they're so add odds it's hard to know where to begin. and some say the left plays up police shootings. it's tragic, any shooting is tragic, happening by police or anyone else, but is it the problem today that these activists have made it out to be? we're here in new york, which is one of the few places that has kept detailed records of police shootings going back all the way to the early 1970's and in 1971, police in new york shot more than 300 people. the most recent stats from a couple of years ago, show that that's down to around a dozen. that's a 90% reduction in police shootings, and in police shooting fatalities over the past four and a half decades and we have an activist movement out there baseden --

the manifesto's drafters did not succeed in their attempt to maintain state-sponsored jim crow schoolsod as both representing and portending profound racial transformation. despite this transformation, it would be severely mistaken to believe that the manifesto and its drafter's views are utterly disconnected from current conditions. although the drafter's foremost goal of absolutely preventing racial desegregation in public schools went unrealized, it may be more accurate to view their loss on that score in terms partial, rather than total. and there are lots of statistics that one can marshal to this effect, observing the lamentable state of racial integration in the nation's public schools. you know, there's been a rise in recent years of something called apartheid schools. this is a term folks have come up with to describe schools where white students make up 1% or less of the student body. those schools are on the rise. there are 7000 such schools. and that makes up more than 7% of the public schools in the entire nation. relatedly, there are some school districts, not schools but

but actually as part of the reassertion of white supremacy through jim crow; right, so that they had were a public statement that we as white people run the south again after the reconstruction governments came out and that, you know -- you know, talking about this with one of my friends the other day. you know, so the united states sort of conceives of itself as a nation that has not been defeated, but we have a region in which people think of themselves as having been defeated by the nation. and in that region, there's also the largest -- you know, the largest proportions of african-americans who are the people whose liberations the war was fought over, so it is a complicated dynamic, and what has often happened is that there's almost -- i talk about it in my dissertation, a form of reunion, like a concession that's drawn, it is like okay, we'll let you keep the south as a kind of -- as a white supremacist state in exchange for sort of us getting back together as a nation with the cost being felt by black people in the jim crow-era, but we had this sort of repetition of this throug

on a superficial level, of course, where brown sought to dismantle jim crow, the manifesto sought to reinforce it, but the similarities between the two documents go deeper than that, including with respect to the processes that led to their creation. so, with respect to brown -- well, i'll tell you about the three similarities, with respect to the creation, and you know, what sort of undergirded the southern manifesto and brown versus board of education. there are similarities with respect to tone. there are similarities or, you know, sort of converse of thinking about audience. the audience is a similar phenomenon, sort of calculations that went into it. and finally, the unanimity piece of it as well. so, in thinking about the tone, when chief justice warren was writing brown, he said that he aimed to achieve a tone that was unemotional, nonrhetorical and nonaccusatory in an effort to avoid alienating white southerners. so, while the manifesto today is understood to be, you know, sort of aggrieved and angry and nasty, that's not how it was understood at the time. indeed, many people

and the reason why that was so significant is that because of jim crow etiquette, black pen were not referred to as mister. if you were a black physician, you might be called doctor so and so if you were a black minister you would be called reverend so and so but black men did not get the honor of mister. and it was a sign of how distinguished thurgood marshall was that the judges and the other lawyers called him mr. marshall. i heard about that all the time growing up. and so with that back drop, of course, it was a tremendous thrill. >> was it part of why you became a lawyer? >> in part, i'm sure. my father just -- again, it was just -- i'm sure it influenced my brother. i have an older brother who is a lawyer. but we heard about -- we heard about that argument a hundred times. >> i don't know if it is one of the books but there is a story about the justice needed when he was practicing in his early 50s and needed a writ and needed to see the chief justice and the chief justice was not to be found. but he knocked on a door in the hotel, it was a hotel in connecticut, where the big

. >> mayor, you have released on social media, the most rank racist jim crowe era threat that you received, i don't know that we would call it a threat as much as an insult. and i am sure there are more. i am sure there are sadly many of them. it speaks, i go es, to the pressure you must feel again with the president whipping up sentiment to reopen these states with your governor willing to be the first in the nation to take such a plunge, there you are, running the largest metropolitan area in the state. >> you know, brian, it was, it saddened me to receive that message and what was even more disturbing is that it also went to my 12-year-old son. so, as elected officials, we are used to taking criticism, but certainly children should be off limits. but i think more importantly the reason i released that message is because i wanted people across america to see what racism still looks like in 2020. and as we talk about the impact that this virus is having on communities of color, there is so much anxiety and so many unknowns and that's why it's even more important that we have stable leader

they are kroekt to con in their attempt to maintain state sponsored jim crowe schools and it would be foolish. this it should be understood as representing and portending. >> it would be severely mistaken to believe the manifesto and the drafters views are disconnected from current conditions. it may be more accurate to view their loss on that score in terms impartial rather than total. and there are lots of statistics that observe the state of racial integration and the nation's public schools. you know, there are a rise in recent years of something called apartheid schools. this is a term that folks have come up with though sdridescrib when they make up 1% or less. they are on the rise. there are 7,000 such schools that makes up more than 7% of the public schools in the entire nation. relatedly there are some school districts, mind you not, school districts that contain astonishing low numbers of white pupils. that same figure for los angeles was 9%, and here in my hometown, that figure was 11%. southern politicians and other contexts started to argue in the alternative. even though

jim crow now reigns supreme in the south is still dead during thomas's georgia childhood. if the fairness party thinks that supreme court misreadings can run in only one direction, think again. in time the court made a workaround. the amendments next clause forbids the states from taking away anybody's life, liberty or property without due process of law which means the new deal court asserted some liberties are so basic no state can invade them into substantive due process. it's hard to say much less understand that that is just smoke and mirrors. thomas objects and worse, the doctrine allows the judges to conjure up imaginary fundamental rights making the bal law instef interpreting the constitution. why are we treating slaughterhouse as sacrosanct, he asks. we don't hesitate to overturn the law made by the people's elected representatives and signed by the president when we think the constitution doesn't allow them. why should we treat the errors of the predecessors the obscene misrepresentation. with any more respect especially since we've titled mistake upon mistake.

the i asked who have suffered through slavery for african-americans it has been from slavery so jim crow to mass incarceration in the caribbean and you have slavery to colonialism was just ended in what the late 1950 s. or early 1960 s. for me as a haitian american we're still dealing with the ramifications of neo colonialism of slavery and these are. essentially us as a new world people where the people who the modern day economy the world as we know it does well have been built all are bad so it's very easy to say to move on when you're not at the very foundation of the world of the world as it is today meanwhile you can't even benefit from that system so i think it's very important to keep that in mind we still need the conciliation in various ways in order for us to truly move on all right in some question say that every other country you could go to an african continent it would be one thing pause to cite. douglas to all that you know what. sank you so much of for bring on this i really appreciate your. absentee and eric reed appreciate you sharing your experiences we will continue

whether it is jim crow after the civil war, it's always been contested and whatever party tries to limit it is worth taking seriously both the mechanics of voting this fall. the unusual conditions of the virus is focusing people's attention and the democrats have agreed on a nominee historically early in the cycle. but again it can try to start working on the turnout and franchise issues. >> republicans would lose. representative kevin mccarthy accused speaker pelosi of disgusting politics to try to put money into a bill at this time to push broader votes by mail. i found it interesting to see historically more rural, conservative, what do you think about the system and what should happen this year? >> i believe every american citizen should have the ability to boot an exercise that franchise and if you don't, you are voting for whoever when >> the concern about the ability of the intelligence agencies to be able to reach into electronic voting systems for the reasons that don't have anything to do the domestic american politics we ought to have a manual backup and vote by mail provides

we also are learning a lot about jim crow north. how do these moments influence james h. williams and the position he eventually takes? >> it's true what a lot of the traditionally service positions, blacks had hold on there were relegated to these positions toward the end of 19th century they're starting starting to lose a lot of these positions because party old american story, so there's come now that there are other whites coming in court unrooted and need work on a lot of people are feeling more comfortable hiring them. one of the things that really tips that is the right in 1900, the westside riots which were so horrific, a number of levels but on one particular it wasn't just that mobs of whites were snatching innocent people out of their homes, out of their businesses, off street, but that they were battled by the police officers. it catalyzed a lot of black community but whites as well in protest. the news was carried across the country and people were so shame and disgusted by this moment that it sort of aided or egg a lot of performers to start offering jobs. t

and allows the states in the deep south to now begin to disenfranchise black americans and we get jim crow being ushered in so what we have here is a history of the ny and the right to vote for black people and even after the voting rights act of 1985 as we see in enormous rise in black voter participation we then see in the last 5 years a reversal of many of these voting rights protections following some supreme court decisions so from the very beginning when slavery through to today there has been voter purges oppression and all these attempts to remove black folks from the rolls that have an effect on morale drivers do you know i get all of that and i appreciate you making it so clear what i don't understand is that despite voter suppression strategies which we may discuss despite the legacy and the you know the impact on morale why many black voters who have so much on the line aren't more engaged they are because we saw they became engaged they were a key factor in barack obama's election and they floated very high and in today's elect i mean i think in today's allow. after a race tha

america black people have had a long history of getting the short end of the stick, from swlaifery to jim crowe sunken place. but when it came to the coronavirus, it seemed like for once black people were catching a break. >> a lot of these viruses we're immune to yeah, because our skin is radiant and our skin comes from the sun. that sour super po wemplet melinin. >> the fever, we will not get the coronavirus, because we got a thing in our body that we call the melinin. >> minorities can't catch it. >> say it one more time. >> minorities can't catch it. >> minorities can't catch coronavirus. >> no. >> why do you say. >> name one. >> i don't know but. >> name one though. >> it could happen. >> name one of us. >> trevor: yeah, when this whole pandemic was just kicking off many people, many people thought coronavirus was something that just didn't involve black people. sort of like tennis elbow or tiger king. very quickly we have come to learn that not only can black people get coronavirus, it turns out that black people are being hit harder than anyone else in america right now. >> with the rat

of nonblack supporters facilitated the repeal of black codes in the midwestern states, challenged jim crowlincoln's vision. our 16th president knew that the country would never meet the state of perfection but whe believed we owed it to ourselves to come as close as was humanly possible to attaining it. in his address to the 160 six ohio regiment in 1864, he reminded the soldier what the war was about. through a free government, they would have an open field and a fair chance for their industry, enterprise and intelligence. a free government would allow them equal privileges in the race of life with all its desirable human aspirations. lincoln reminded them that the nation was worth fighting for. to secure such an inestimable jewel. how do we do our part to get the nation closer to that state of perfection? again, lincoln provides the answer. in his speech to residents of indianapolis in february 1861 before the war had begun, he stopped on his way to take office in washington. he reminded them that the preservation of the union and the liberties they enjoyed rested in their hands. it is y

racial issues on the back burner and showed little interest in upsetting the racial status quo in the jim crow south. feeling the political pressure of white southerners, roosevelt refused to give his support to the federal antilynching law emerged by some members of congress. he also referred to think about lincoln in a race neutral way. as someone who practiced a broad-based humanitarianism that helped all people. lincoln, fdr insisted, was an emancipator not of slaves alone but of those of heavy heart everywhere. sure this is not have people in the 1860's would have interpreted the emancipation. [laughter] they worked hard to redefine slavery as a condition that affected white people as much as black. sometimes in fact whites seemed to suffer more from slavery than african-americans. the 1930's was mainly about the economic thattation and constraint largely affected wage workers, the majority of whom were white area despite the fact that all of our people are free and have the right to live enforce the they please, there are many who intend that our toilers live virtual economic slavery. th