i asked michael o'hanlon, a senior fellow for foreign policy at the brooklyn, and at the brookings institution, and washington, excuse me, for what he makes of the rates and got the and they're looking for certain things and including hostages. obviously, once they go in and mass with a big force, they know the hostages lives or even greater peril. and so if there's any hope whatsoever of finding those hostages didn't make sense to try to do it beforehand. however, this is very hard work to find people like needles in a haystack to find individuals, whether as rarely or i'm oscillators or a mos holding the is rarely because you just don't have a lot of ways to find these individuals. so you can try, you can help, you might know their cell phone numbers or be able to recognize their voices or otherwise have some kind of a telltale signature. but it's not that hard to just find a basement for an apartment and put people there. and there is no particular way modern technology can find a hostage for a loss leader just based on, you know, their identity or their dna. so it's going to take some lot

host: on your screen, michael o'hanlon, research and foreign policy program director at the brookings institute, here to talk about the israel-hamas conflict. guest: the scope is horrible. really it is historically unprecedented, at least for a half-century in terms of israeli casualties and in terms of the sense of existential fear within israel about what is happening and what could happen in the future, especially as hezbollah remains in a state of uncertainty to the north, inside lebanon. hezbollah being an extremist group that is also part of the lebanese government, also armed by iran. hamas bei the more sunni group sociated with the gaza strip in particular and has been effectively running that stri of land along the mediterranean for about 15 years. hamas carried out the attacks on saturday, which have been likened to israel's 9/11. israel lost maybe 700 people out of 10 million, whereas we had lost 3000 out of 300 million on that 11 -- not to compare too much but just to give a sense of the scale and scope. now israel has a problem of a magnitude it has not had in a while wit

host: on your screen, michael o'hanlon, research and foreign policy program director at the brookingshere to talk about the israel-hamas conflict. guest: the scope is horrible. really it is historically unprecedented, at least for a half-century in terms of israeli casualties and in terms of the sense of existential fear within israel about what is happening and what could happen in the future, especially as hezbollah remains in a state of uncertainty to the north, inside lebanon. hezbollah being an extremist group that is also part of the lebanese government, also armed by iran. hamas being the more sunni group associated with the gaza strip in particular and has been effectively running that strip of land along the mediterr for about 15 years. hamas carried out the attacks on saturday, which have been likened to israel's 9/11. israel lost maybe 700 people out of 10 million, whereas we had lost 3000 out of 300 million on that 11 -- not to compare too much but just to give a sense of the scale and scope. now israel has a problem of a magnitude it has not had in a while with palestinia

joining us with more on the volatile situation is the senior fellow michael o'hanlon.ointing to see the president was not able to meet with everyone he wanted to in the middle east and now we have rockets coming from hezbollah. >> hi, becky. the possibility of the second front is there and i'm not sure what we would do with the aircraft carriers with the implied threat. the concern i have about that is sometimes implied threats, if your bluff is called, you may not want to follow through. we will see what happens on that front. i agree it is disappointing the broader canonseranonversation c happen. what is the real end game in gaza? should it be a u.n. trustee shift for a certain period of time? should we do something unimaginable like move to a palestinian state in gaza and put off the west bank idea until later? i don't know what the right idea is and no american or no american president can solve that on his own. it begins with a broader regional dialogue. now with king of jordan and others. it is overdue to explain how all of these foreign policy crises fits togeth