well, you imagine at the time you have free african-americans who align with enslaved african-americans. again, a collective voice fighting for freedom. but they're fighting for freedom in a nation founded on liberty but still maintaining slavery. directly behind me you see the cast figures of benjamin banneker and thomas jefferson. this is a platform featured in the exhibition where we really unpack that story of voices of freedom. included on that platform in addition to jefferson and banneker are tusaut momutour. she actually petitioned for her freedom in massachusetts and won, as well as phyllis wheatley, all voices of freedom. what's very powerful to me about the connections between banneker and jefferson includes banneker sending his almanac to thomas jefferson and stating in fact african-americans are brilliant, they are human, they contribute to the development of this nation and deserve to be free. excuse me if i paraphrase, but thomas jefferson essentially said you are the exception, and freedom was not going to come during his particular time in life. so now why don't we go f

american stories. they're human stories and they're told through the african-americ african-american lens. equally important to remember this is shared history and you'll see yourself throughout this exhibition particularly looking at that human experience. let's start with one of the opening labels for the freedom exhibition. right behind me is label that speaks to the making of the atlantic world. we actually feature the story of the queen, one of leaders along the african coast. she was in west central africa. she actually strategically aligned with the portuguese, the dutch and the church all in an effort to avoid her own people being enslaved as well as being involved in the is slave trade. but you'll notice that right below her story is a quote from a gentlemen of european descent. what's very important about that statement and this juxtaposition is to really think about the morality of this particular story. what moral obligations do we have to each other? concentrate on that opening line, i admit that i am sickened at the purchase of slaves, but again i must be mum for how would i

that the african-american unemployment rate in essence, taking credit for the african-american unemploymentate dropping when it has only dropped 1-point-something percent under him and dropped, what, 8, 9 points under barack obama. >> if he was going to be the worst american president for african-americans -- >> he has been. >> the unemployment's continued to go down, the lowest in history. if you're looking for a job, things are -- things are getting better, not worse. that is a fact. >> actually -- actually, if you want to talk about it, you have a ton of people dropping out of the labor market, the labor market is shrinking. i want to talk about something more important on national tv. if republican wants to do something for african-americans, people of color in this country, we can address that we don't have generational wealth. cnn did a study not that long ago where it showed that if -- >> kaiser foundation in conjunction with the kaiser foundation. >> in conjunction with the kaiser foundation, if african-americans were able to make the same amount of money as their white counterparts

in many communities african-americans were the majority. so the apex, and in some ways, the most radical idea that got implemented during reconstruction is the right to vote, and we need to understand in a moment when so many people get to vote -- it is dramatically about reconstruction and that is a crucial moment. that was followed by an act in 1870 that said that states cannot discriminate voting on the basis of race. host: and yet with all of that, are we still battling the civil war? are we still fighting that war? dr. masur: idol think we are exactly fighting the civil war. but some of the same conflict that divided americans in the 19th century continued to be with us. it's no surprise, and away, we would still be talking about the legacies of slavery, the legacies of racial inequality in all different areas of life or the role of the federal government or the way that we have different regions in one big nation. all these are things that have divided people around the civil war. host: what was president grant's role in all of this?

african-american is at an all-time low in the history of unemployment. >> laura: it's never been recorded any lower. if my point in the angle is the democrats need to keep black americans unhappy. that's a horrible thing to feel, but i'm sorry, dr. steele said this today on my radio show, he's written about it for years. without the perpetual i'm a victim, i'm a victim, i'm a victim mentality that you drill into people's heads, you are a victim, you don't have an equal shot. if you work hard you are not going to get ahead. what kind of messages that to tell young people today? he went on and on about this today. it was riveting radio. i think when things are getting better and people refuse to acknowledge it and say i'm a victim, i don't think that helps a single person get a job. if i don't think it helps a single young african-american man or woman have more hope. i think it tracks people down. people should be lifted up as they are in a growing economy. wendy, i will let you respond. >> african-americans, black americans, we are not victims. we cannot say that, we are uplifted. our com

african-americans served in congress. thousands of african-americans held the critically important local offices like sheriffs or school board member or local county counselor. the political power of southern blacks were short-lived. even when they were in power whites eventually succeeded in suppressing black voting which in turn allowed democrats to redeem the southern states from republican rule. ulysses s. grant occasionally authorized military intervention to suppress electoral violence but in the fall of 1875, the administration made an explicit calculation that further such military intervention which , would've been necessary to save mississippi from redemption would alienate too many northern , votes and would specifically cost republicans the governorship and perhaps the electoral college votes of ohio in 1875 and 1876. constraint,xternal southern whites were willing to do whatever was necessary to regain public power. like betting in the south was reduced -- black voting was theced but did not end with fall of

african-american men. though it wasn't until 1965 that the amendment became a reality for most black voters. american history tv, from a symposium entitled in franchising of quality, 115 amendment,e 15th they discussed the flaws and exportation of african american by both republican and democratic parties. the university of the south in sewanee, tennessee host to the daylong symposium. this is about 30 minutes. >> he received his jd from stanford law school and a legal history from the university of oxford, where he was a marshall scholar. after law school, he clerked for the honorable ruth bader ginsburg on the united states court of appeals for the d.c. s served at he ha of law, thety stanford law school commented yale law. he has won numerous awards for his teaching and scholarship, which concentrate on constitutional law and history. his first book from jim crow to civil rights, the supreme court and the struggle for racial equality received the 2005 bancroft prize in history. in 2007 he published two

for african-american women, we make 67 cents on the dollar compared to non-minority men. when we think about education, african-american women are graduating--enrolling, graduating from college, but the opportunity is around what's the curriculum and are they in stem programs, which is where the roles are? those are opportunities for us to start. rosemary: we'll leave it there. thank you all for being with us.

it was constructed in 1954 by the most prominent african-american business professional of the day. he had several businesses. this was one of his iconic masterpieces. i bet he never imagined when he built this in 1954 in the spring of 1963 the american civil rights movement would occupy the entire motel. the other image is from may 10, 1963. this is the truce between white business leaders and the civil rights leaders to end the mass protest demonstration of that spring. as we started to work with coalition to grade that national monument, what is the significance? what story where we looking to tell by preserving the motel? as you heard from glenn and will, the significance in birmingham is 1963 and 1960 four. it is those activities that would integrate birmingham's public life and be a catalyst for the 1964 civil rights act. ag image on the left is gaston. the other image is fred shuttlesworth. you can see that we had to build a complex and coordinate a coalition of partners. the key partner, and there are more, is the city of birmingham. of course, the national trust of historic

i think it's a very painful subject for african-americans. i cannot speak for all african-americans, but i am that it is painful and i do know that most of the -- a tremendous amount of interest in the civil rights era, the second civil rights era, the point at which people began to have action and move -- although people are moving during this time as well, i just think it is a painful thing, to talk about or discuss matters that are in ofr family, the subject painful memories and so forth. i think it's necessary for people to be involved in history and in this matter as well. i think it is really tough. i don't want to say too soon. is it too soon? >> 150 years? prof. reed: from urban that what when they ask joe -- he thought of the french revolution, he said it is too soon to tell. years in terms of history is not a long time, that's a blink of an eye. -- theya lot of it worry about how it's going to be received. chat well.g from this may be a tangent. i was leaving charlottesville one day and i looked over and saw a bunch of evil in gray

if you take few weeks ago in alabama, the african american female vote, 98% of african-americans, females, turned out to elect the first in many, many years candidate for the us senate that was democratic. so, i think when we talk about the time being now from his speech, we recognize that. i think our resilience helps us to honor that. and i think we're ready. so, i think there's progress that's been made. there's more that needs to be made. rosemary: chad, i see you nodding your head. chad dion lassiter: yeah, i like what my colleagues have shared. i would just add that there's aspects of the dream that has been realized, but similar to how we were rushing to say that we're a post-racial america, there's aspects of that that's a mirage, there's aspects of the dream that's still a mirage. i think when i think about king, i think about how king articulated the triple evils. he talked about poverty, racism, and militarism. and when we're looking at where we're at in our democracy now, we're looking at our military might. we're not looking at the beloved community that he so articulated for

it was african-americans bringing a unique vision to the possibility of what american democracy might look like. vernon jordan:howard, it was the west point of the civil rights movement. and the lawyers got that commitment to use this law, for the benefit of black people, and the ultimate benefit of white people. narrator :but training a group of qualified african-american lawyers was not enough. in a hostile legal environment houston needed a plan - a strategy. juan williams: houston had started to work with the naacp to look at exactly what was the best strategic approach to blowing apart, destroying the segregation structure in the country. narrat or:the most significant obstacle in houston's way was the 1896 plessy vs ferguson supreme court decision which sanctioned the separation of african-americans on trains as long as they were provided equal accommodations. the plessy doctrine of "separate but equal" quickly spread throughout southern life in direct violation of the 14th amendment to the constitution. roger wilkins: until you got rid of that interpretation that the constituti

i think it's a very painful subject for african-americans. i cannot speak for all african-americans, but i am assuming that it is painful and i do know that most of the -- a tremendous amount of interest in the civil rights era, the second civil rights era, the point at which people began to have action and move -- although people are moving during this time as well, i just think it is a painful thing, to talk about or discuss matters that are in your family, the subject of painful memories and so forth. i think it's necessary for people to be involved in history and in this period as well. i think it is really tough. i don't want to say too soon. is it too soon? >> 150 years? >> armed this joke when they about what he thought about the french revolution, he said it is too soon to tell 150 years in terms of history is not a long time, that's a blink of an eye. i think a lot of it -- they worry about how it's going to be received. this may be a tangent. i was leaving charlottesville one day and i looked over and saw a bunch of people in gray u

meaning racism was not a product of that individuals who believed african-americans were inferior to white americans, but racial hierarchies were indebted in the structure of society. segregation and poverty, the report said, created in the racial ghetto a destructive environment unknown to most white americans. what white americans have never fully understood in the negro league and never forget is why society is implicated in the ghetto. white institutions created it, maintain it, and white society condones it. the riots in detroit and newark were not caused, nor were they the consequences of, any .rganized plan or conspiracy the police received the most scrutiny. in a section of the report it believed "negros firmly police brutality and harassment occur repeatedly in negro neighborhoods." had shown police enforcement had become a problem, not a solution, in race relations. more aggressive policing and the militarization of officers had he come the de facto response to urban decay. in several cities, the principal train theas been to equipped with more sophisticated weapons. stresse

it was constructed in 1954 by the most prominent african-american business professional of the day. he had several businesses. this was one of his iconic masterpieces. i bet he never imagined when he built this in 1954 in the spring of 1963 the american civil rights movement would occupy the entire motel. the other image is from may 10, 1963. this is the truce between white business leaders and the civil rights leaders to end the mass protest demonstration of that spring. as we started to work with coalition to grade that national monument, what is the significance? what story where we looking to tell by preserving the motel? as you heard from glenn and will, the significance in birmingham is 1963 and 1960 four. it is those activities that would integrate birmingham's public life and be a catalyst for the 1964 civil rights act. ag image on the left is gaston. the other image is fred shuttlesworth. you can see that we had to build a complex and coordinate a coalition of partners. the key partner, and there are more, is the city of birmingham. of course, the national trust of historic

why is that, because african-americans can't drive? more likely to be stopped for a drug offense, even though every study has shown that whites use and abuse and sell drugs more. if you look at the overdose rate, six times the rate for whites than blacks, but the statistic is the opposite when it comes to being arrested for drug offenses. james bell, who spoke earlier, did an amazing, groundbreaking study. it showed clearly that there were disparities. we sought to take that study and work with the university of pennsylvania, which offered to do a two-year study independently. all we did was provide them with our files. and we opened our files up to them. they came up with a report -- first slide, please? second slide. they gave us an economist and a scientist and a law professor for two years, who worked on the study. and we gave them 11,000 cases. when asking the question, "what specifically did the disparities result in?" they found that african-americans are held in pretrial custody 62% longer than their white counterparts and on a

there have beenafri successful african-americans, and remain successful african-american, but what happensis that the narrative is dominated by thosee sus successful and byg. those who are struggling. and i think that part of it is s that success in the african-american community becomes largely invisibilisibli so is what it does is to increase the african-american success and they are able to convey that to the youth being served. >> and visible for the students themselves? >> yes, and i should say that the studentsents servet er serv programs are not all african-american, and they are certainly open to students of all races, but theymerican are a african-american led and predominantly they serve african-american youth. >> and to be clear, are these government supported in some ways? >> they are not government supported programs directly, and some of them, they have informau ties to the school systems and that sort of thing, but these are grass roots organization a tland nonprofit organizations and lots of times they are being supported by volunteers in the community, and people -- leadin

not to they, african-american community.the camera, it allows you to spend the time looking in that way. it is amazing what unfolds or what emerges from the process. amy: looking at a review -- and they have been a rate for "hale county." hollywood reporter writes "photographer walker evans and writer james agee compose let us now praise famous men, the famous text and image study of county."hale you turn that on its head. you give us a very different picture. joslyn barnes are you produced this film. l's work so unusual for you that you wanted to be a part of this project? >> just want to clarify, i produced a film with ramell andsue kim. i think of the documentary as an encounter. one of the unusual elements of this film is not the centrality of the african-american perspective, but a completely new imaging of african-americans. it really takes a part the historical -- it brings the historical to bear on it, but it also takes it apart. part of it -- the strategy was really in the editing process. it is the looking and inte

and remain successful african americans. i think what happens suspect that the narrative is dominated by those who are not as successful, by those who are struggling, and i think part of it is that success in the african american community largely becomes invisible. and i think one of the things that each these three programs does is it increases the visibility of african american success and they're able to convey that to the youth that are being served. >> visible for the students themselves? >> yes. and i should mention that the students -- the students served by the programs are not all african american, they're open to students of all races, but they are african-american led and freeh predominantly they serve african-american youth. >> are these government supported in someway? >> they are not government-supported programs directly. some of them may vin formal ties to school systems and that sort of thing, but these are grassroots organizations. they're nonprofit organizations largely often times they're being supported

meaning racism was not a product of that individuals who believed african-americans were inferior to white americans, but racial hierarchies were indebted in the structure of society. segregation and poverty, the report said, created in the racial ghetto a destructive environment unknown to most white americans. what white americans have never fully understood in the negro league and never forget is why society is implicated in the ghetto. white institutions created it, maintain it, and white society condones it. the riots in detroit and newark were not caused, nor were they the consequences of, any .rganized plan or conspiracy the police received the most scrutiny. in a section of the report it believed "negros firmly police brutality and harassment occur repeatedly in negro neighborhoods." had shown police enforcement had become a problem, not a solution, in race relations. more aggressive policing and the militarization of officers had he come the de facto response to urban decay. in several cities, the principal train theas been to equipped with more sophisticated weapons. stresse

but they are african-american lead and predominantly serve african-american youth. howard: are these government supported in some way? dr. gooden: they are not government supported directly. some of them may have in formal ties, but these are grassroots organizations. are being they supported by volunteers in the community. individuals and respect to the individuals leaving the program and the training -- leading the program in the training. to enter the where are they now, in addition to evaluating the programs as being effective, we are seeing large numbers, close to 80%, enrolled in college. the not so great news is the amount of student debt that these students are reporting. of course, we know that this is an issue that is a national issue. over 52% have already taken out student loans exceeding $5,000. 17.4% have taken out loans just in their first year between and $29,000.5,000 howard: let me turn to dr. bradley. susan gooden talked about programs in new jersey. at least two of those have links to the african-american church. new jersey organization started i

i hear loud and clear from african-american community what it would mean for you have to an african-american represent you as the mayor of san francisco. but i have heard from the lgbt community how meaningful it would be for a gay mayor -- gay mayor would be for them. in 2017, was the deadliest year on record for lgbt in america, with murders from hate crimes happening almost every single week. all while a president tried to remove trans-people from the military and made discrimination against lgbt people legal. i heard the pains from the lgbt community when they tell us we live in the gayest city in america, that we have yet to have a gay mayor. in fact, the person that was most likely to have been our first gay mayor was assassinated in the room right behind these chambers 40 years ago. and my heart goes out to the asian american community who tragically lost the first asian american mayor of a city that was founded and built on the backs of the asian community. after 100 years of deeply racist louse and the rounding up of our japanese community into camps, to lose a mayor who worked hard

we have been so quiet as african-american people. we have not intervened to bring any of you any problems. and then all of a sudden, when london breed is standing in her position and highly qualified, then you get ready to change the game. the issue with me is what do you expect us to do? to sit up here and see this evil because you want to take the place and follow after ed lee who was a honorable and worthy man. i came from my walking group, the ambassador of alice griffin. i didn't have time to change clothes, because i come here trying to be kind and quiet, but this is a time for war. if you remove here her, this is going to cause issues on our children, our people, why is she treated differently than dianne feinste feinstein. everyone is acknowledging that except the african-american community. what do we need to step into the position to be on this playing field and play fairly? you can vote for whoever you want, but now you're saying you want her to step down because of three powers. she has shown she has the power. is there j

history and african-american studies. >>available at c-span.org. to welcome john lawrence the book the book class of 1974. john: it is difficult to write a book about congress because it is a very large institution.

african-americans who are not certain about this.ad a relative a few years ago, i was the executor, and i got letters from family members, the most moving letters, that because of her, she allowed six other the people to live. i go back and forth myself, but i have that testimony of how it saved other people's lives. herx other people to live. i go back-and-forth myself, i have that testimony of how it saved other people's lives. i think it is a personal decision. i know now, they are hypervigilant about keeping the sure the bodies are connected to who is being cremated, that is all done properly. the activities i was referring to were mostly bodies that were being procured illegally. it was not illegal to dissect in the 19th century. there were black and white ,odies on the dissection tables particularly unclaimed bodies whereail and other places people do not claim the bodies, hospitals, and so forth. how much today, even though we have that case i talked about. there is an under market organ trained -- organ trade that has been go

south carolina testsrginia and enacted still in use in 1966, specifically designed to prevent african-americans from voting white americans to vote. the court noted that a variety of methods were used. principal andthe discriminatory applications of voting tests. the key finding was the court ruling that pains any district court judge. the ruling that says case-by-case litigation against voting discrimination under the civil rights acts of 1957, 1960 to increase failed african-american registration. they proved onerous to prepare and were often followed by a shift in discriminatory devices, defiance is and evasions of court orders. the supreme court concluded that since case-by-case discrimination proved inadequate, the court found that congress had ample authority to prescribe remedies not requiring prior adjudication. attacked the practices -- more thansts, two thirds of adult blacks for reasons we've heard about today illiterate while less than one quarter of adult whites were unable to read or write. were prescribed to ensure that white illiterates would not be depressed of the franchise. t

him wide andhind diverse who came together to say that the african-americans deserve to vote. we're joined from louisiana. go ahead, please. that the that the role whatttee plays, given emerged in june of 66 -- 1966 into black power, to what extent do you think the concept that the struggle was about getting power? to what extent do you think that influenced the uprising or the revolts in 1967 and 1968? many people seem to stress the spontaneity of the uprisings. an intellectual person must admit there was spontaneity. was there some degree of organization and motivation to the need for organization as organization? elizabeth: this is an important question that came up in the panel. sustainedothing organization to the rebellion. there is thist radicals like black panthers are behind the uprising. those have not really been proven by historians. i think the grievances and the social economic reality is that we are a breeding ground for the civil rights movement and but our movement and uprisings were rooted in the same and demand for an end to the exclusionary institutions that

as i said on cnn, as a woman from utah, i agree with congresswoman nia love who is the sole african-american female in the republican caucus. and she said -- >> haitian american. >> haitian american. and she said if the comments are true, they are deeply offensive and the president should apologize. i agree. we have yet to see agreement on what was said. i think the president should clarify and say he absolutely does not feel this way about these countries and he has come out and said that he doesn't feel that way about these countries. >> let me get keith in here. on that notion of who said what, keith, we have senator cotton and perdue saying the president never said these vulgar words. initially said they couldn't recall. where does this lead us? >> it leads us to the conclusion that the republican party is complicit with all of the racist that donald trump has engaged in as president. irrespective of the racism and the engagement before he was president, the housing discrimination, the accusations against the central park five, the casino discrimination against his employees, and then sp

people, destroy african-american communities even. that was the build-up to what happened in 1967. the flash point was a pushback specifically against police aggression, police brutality. but you also had lots of other kinds of pushback. the people who were in the streets looting stores were pushing back against the economic oppression that was taking place. so i think an uprising really captures all of that in a way that doesn't dismiss it. one of the things i think is true is language has real power in our culture. and the word riot was used to dismiss all of those things after what happened happened. it was used to say ignore this. don't worry about the things that are behind this. we've taken care of it with police response and we'll just move on. >> so as well, also set this event in the national context. what else was going on in 1967 across the country, particularly as other areas of the nation were suffering the same kind of riots or uprising or however you want to describe it? >> i think there are common themes in all of the

there is a minority of african-americans who go there and you can ask why african-americans are not hired to be interpreters because they do not want to have a relation with this space or because there are no efforts being made. when we are talking about the mansions, what i have the impression in the two places, and mount vernon is the same thing, the mansion is a sort of sacred space of the president, where we do not talk about the slavery inside the mansion, we talk about the slavery outside and you do not talk about this inside. i was impressed by what you are doing in montpelier in this exhibition. the last time i've been in a conference about this issue, there was a descendent of on theon and hemmings table and she said she does not like to use the word rape, which is apparently what is being done and monticello. and i asked myself whether or not the stories are being incorporated inside the mansion and whether or not i can go there and simply not see anything you are showing me here, for example i can see the gardens, i can visit other places, other places inside the mansion and no

whites enjoy $111,000 of wealth versus $7,000 for african-americans.nd the -- the other sort of disparities that have plagued the black community forever. it also doesn't count those african-americans who in my state, which we have the highest incarceration rate of african-american men in the country and arguably in the world doesn't count those folks as unemployed and those who have just plain old given up. it is hard for me to believe that if white men and white people experience the kind of unemployment that african-americans experience, we wouldn't have some kind of marshall plan to solve this. and so we were very appalled to hear him do that. >> i was having a conversation with congressman doug collins of georgia earlier about prison reform and incarceration and sentencing. president did mention that in his remarks last night. this as you said, this country in general incarcerates more people than anybody thinks it should and we don't rehabilitate them. is there anything material that you think could be done? >> well, we had a wonderful bipartisan

we are familiar with this and know at this point african-american women were sexually assaulted and abused and is the regular course of their experience. so we've discovered native american women were also and that in fact some of these merchants and traders in detroit, some of the richest ones woul with big specific pure orders asking. now the name they use and the terms they use was panis and scholars tried to work out where the term came from. it's come up with a very good theory which is that this term publiclprobably is the collapsif the various travel means especially panis. the term panis came to be used for all of the native enslaved people here in detroit. some of them were merchants and would write letters to one another to the island for instance and they would say i need to love the pretty panis anand they would say the age thy wanted and that kind of language is an indicator that were want wanted. especially given the continuing vulnerability and invisibility often types of indigenous girls and young women. and we also found in addition to native women, african-american men we

and it is true, that of the hundred interpreters i just mentioned, the most african-american interpreters we've ever had at one time, three, a couple of latin-american interpreters, a couple asian-american interpreters. we're keenly aware of this. diversifying staff is a goal, but so is diversifies audience, and diversifying interest. i also think there's a part to it that people like us play as well. there have been many times when i've stood up to talk about slavery, and i'm sure you can tell from my accent that i'm not from new york. my ancestors were slaveholders. i know that for a fact. my grandfather's name was robert e. lee, literally. so somebody like me talking about slavery, it's a different voice that sometimes certain people will listen to. and it might be an audience that needs to be reached. but that being said sometimes people will not listen to me because what am i going to tell them about their ancestor's history. i think part of that, taking the conversation forward, understanding the legacies. i'm a southern white man, the privileges i've experienced in my life is becau

he had some issues and the african-american community. one of his biggest dishes was trust around the subject of the land. those who have studied the understand.on almost stoodn who up was the one person at the baptist church. he was not opposed to the main human but -- to the monument but he felt if they put an easement on the church, they can lose the church. why did he think that? because his brother work -- owned a piece of property and someone asked for an easement to build a road, it was granted and they blocked access to this man's road and he ended up losing property. so going back to the 40 acres and a mule and the ownership of land that was clearly stolen and abused by surveyors who would go in and survey 10 acres but only come out with a or two that were needed for the survey. so land was a tough issue and michael had to have some very serious talks because that is the huge piece of the culture there which i think is very unique to beaufort. freedhad large numbers of slaves and african-americans who do own land. >> i will lead