says that john adams had a right when he put down abigail adams. she said they put too strong a yeast in the revolution of 1776 and those effects are causing trouble today. you come up with someone like phyllis schlafly who is more adamant about these things. >> we see it today as well. it is helpful, so helpful to have your context and understand this has been a struggle all along. the clash of, what, the clash of ideas is the sound of the work. >> lady bird johnson, she said, the clash of ideas is the sound of freedom. she was wonderful. one of the women i interviewed, two people still living who are a part of the book. one of them is a woman who wrote a book called the chicana feminist, and another indigenous woman who was sentenced to 20 years in prison because a man who was known to be a predator assaulted her son the day before, broke into her babysitter's house at 5:30 the morning, she was wearing a cast and 5'2" and he was 6'2", she had a gun because she was worried, and the police said, come on and on monday, she called on a friday, they s

we know from john adams, his diary that samuel adams burns, a great portion of his correspond so that basically nobody will be off. all fingerprints are covered. and so i knew i was working from truncated record in terms of his personal, but i also had the other side of the correspondence. i had what people were writing to him, which was fabulous and very rich and had never really been mined before. on the other hand, i the sort of too big to get your arms around part of it, i thought the outset that i would read all of the boston newspapers during the pre-revolutionary period because adams was writing under countless pseudonyms and, those papers. and so i said to joe ellis, one day, i'm going to read all the boston papers for those years. and he said, great, see you in 20 years. so i read the boston because of the boston evening post only for those years. but but basically this was a book that was and it turned out to be a smart to have done because boston is is a character really in the book and in boston plays a role here almost in a sort of as a personality of its own. so those we

we know from john adams, his diary that samuel adams burns, a great portion of his correspond so that basically nobody will be off. all fingerprints are covered. and so i knew i was working from truncated record in terms of his personal, but i also had the other side of the correspondence. i had what people were writing to him, which was fabulous and very rich and had never really been mined before. on the other hand, i the sort of too big to get your arms around part of it, i thought the outset that i would read all of the boston newspapers during the pre-revolutionary period because adams was writing under countless pseudonyms and, those papers. and so i said to joe ellis, one day, i'm going to read all the boston papers for those years. and he said, great, see you in 20 years. so i read the boston because of the boston evening post only for those years. but but basically this was a book that was and it turned out to be a smart to have done because boston is is a character really in the book and in boston plays a role here almost in a sort of as a personality of its own. so those we

and so he makes it a crime to criticize donald trump, to criticize john adams, excuse me. and, and he's thrown out on his by the american people. he's the only early president who is ok because he doesn't get it. but today threats come not just from religious extremism as salman rushdie said, and maybe not just from certain media outlets that have monopolies, but from state and local governments. think about actually the threats today and this one isn't going to help you very much. he says congress shall make no law. well, there's another war in america because the revolutionary war are locals against the central government. and we like local juries and local militias even. and that's a bill of rights. congress will make no law on the 10th amendment and militias and juries and the fifth amendment, grand jury, sixth amendment trial, jury, seventh amendment civil jury. that's steve's story. it's about revolutionary, but the rights actually originally don't apply against states and localities. and that's a mistake because states and localities start to suppress and jefferson

and john adams says, be careful. who knows where this is going to end up and depend upon it, or women will ask for a vote. so he says that in 1776, before the declaration of independence, because he knows that the meaning, the heart, the soul of that document is that all men, women, whatever are created equal. and so it's kind of this internal logic that really drives american history. and women are so much a part of that. right. but i guess sort of for me, the cognitive dissonance is that, well, the surprise for me was to know that, yeah, they really did actually talk about inclusion. like they considered being inclusive. and that meant no. so it wasn't like it wasn't like they forgot. it wasn't like they were only looking at the men in the room and they were they really gave it some thought and some discussion and thought. and i don't want to go down that road. that was i was taken by that about. sure. and we often say, you know, do people know slavery was wrong or maybe they just didn't know back then. right. righ

john adams was a passionate participant in the debate and a talented writer. however, felt overburdened with committee work. the other two appointments, livingston, new york, sherman from connecticut. they had no special interest in or talent as writers. all five, though, were of the same mind. congress wanted another summary document. this one a conclusive statement for every delegate who had already signed on to. a declaration of the colonies going out was to be a document just to find the reasons for this extraordinary exertion. a collective statement intended to be signed by every delegate. they all read jefferson summary review of british america. his writing talent was recognized. it helps that he was from virginia. one of the two tales of the colonies dog. everyone understood there would be a chance in the process to participate in revising the committees document. at a later date, adams wrote that he and jefferson had a conversation about which one of them should write the draft. each deferred to the other. adams felt he had more important work to do.

you had radicals john adams who were ready to do it right away and moderates alike john dickinson of pennsylvania who kept urging caution to reconcile . is it even possible to reconstruct public opinion during this. ? >> this is a big thing that scholars are working on, it is hard great we have to do broad generalizations of the numbers. we think that around 20% are very hard-core loyalist. they are going to stick with the king no matter what. we think around 80% or so around july 1776 are strongly patriot and pro-american independent. that leaves 60% of the population on the fence. it is not clear which side they will go to. another way of thinking about that is there are a vast majority people who are not supporting american independence at the point of declaration and that's why it had to be persuasive. i think that is why the war mattered so much. the outcome of the war, individual battles in different areas we see people switching from side to side depending on what army controlled the area. >> they also had to prepare for a long-term war against the most powerful army in the wo

john adams was a passionate participant in the floor and the challenge writer. he, however, felt overburdened with important committee work. the other two appointments livingston from new york and sherman from canada. kent had no special interest in or talent writers. all five, though, are of the same mind so as congress they wanted another document, this one a conclusive statement for almost every delegate already signed on to a declaration. the colonies were now independence states was to be a document justifying to the world their reasons for this extraordinary assertion was to be a collective statement intended to be signed by every delegate they all had read. jefferson's summary view of british america. his writing talent was recognized. it helped that he was from virginia, one of the two tales that, wag the colonies dog. every member of congress understood he would have a chance some later stage in the process to participate in revising the committee's document at a later date. adams wrote that he and jefferson had had a conversation about which one of the

we've had some great ones starting with john adams and teddy roosevelt and harry truman. it's hard to think of any who has been more intensely tested than the vice president. we're to hear from. in fact, i met mr. pence only back when he was a congressman. i doubt he'd remember it. the encounter was on the sidewalk in front of the harvard club of new york. i'm not accusing just to be clear, not accusing mr. pence of having been in the harvard club. this was on the sidewalk he was with a mutual friend, as i recall it, steve forbes, which might be why when we were introduced briefly, i leaned over and said to mr. pence, did i hear? you're for the gold standard. i'm reluctant to repeat what? mr. pence replied because i hadn't informed him that i was with the newspaper. but it was substantive. several sentences, and i don't think it's a violation of ground rules to disclose that. when i got home that evening, i said to amity, i shook hands today with mike pence. he strikes me as a man to watch and he went on to be governor of indiana, of course, and history calling. one day w

just like that series on john adams did. these are not things just for history books.re ideas that live with us today and if this is one way to bring them alive, i am all for it, absolutely. peter: we have not talked about john adams. did he have a role in the federalist papers? prof. sheehan: he was in england and when they were sitting at the constitutional convention, he was publishing one of his volumes of defense of the constitution of the united states and people were reaching it at the constitutional convention. it made its way across the ocean. i know for one madison was disgusted with what he called atoms of noxious principles. adams was a bit of a -- john adams of noxious principles. -- obnoxious principles. >> is there such a thing as [indiscernible] it is debated back and forth, can you go inside the mind of someone who lived in the 18th century? peter: judge? judge maggs: originalism is the idea that judges should be influenced but not bound by the original meaning of the constitution but it gets quite complicated because it turns out there is more than on

john adam birkenstock, who early on emphasized medical sound footwear. the company was founded close to frankfort, and it started operating around the city in mid germany, and soon begin expanding, going to conferences, talking to doctors, to sort of establish this brand as a really comfortable with that also medically, sound shoot. just after world war 2, the introduce was very iconic, cork soul that we now know the brand for. and then later on in the sixty's, an american german saw the show on a trip to germany and loved it took it back to the, the states and started importing it. and that was just in time for the hippie movement. and they really embrace it later on came brands that like the your that embrace the end, these corporations. and now we see, you know, barbie. as you mentioned, 95 percent of the shoes like the production of issues are still in germany. the company says, and they market it as the sort of, you know, german car on your foot. so it's very well made. you can repair it. it's comfortable and hopefully comfortable, but also fashiona

benjamin franklin, john j adams , livingston and jefferson. he was busy with work on the articles of confederation. the elderly franklin was the committee's most famous writer and personality. he recently returned from london where they represent pennsylvania. smart, crafty and he wasn't interested in a writing assignment. john adams was a passionate participant and a talented writer. he however felt overburdened with important committee work. the other two appointments, livingston from new york and sherman from connecticut had no special interest in or talent as writers. all five are at the same and so is congress. he wanted another summary document. this one is a conclusive statement of almost every delegate and the declaration of the colonies one out. it was to be a document justifying to the world and extraordinary exertion was to be a collective state meant. some review of british america. one of the two tales with the colonies and every member of congress said that he would have a chance at a later stage in the process to participate in

yeah, public opinion was still very mixed and you had radicals in the continental congress, john adams, who are ready to do it right away. not quite right away. but you know what? i mean? moderates like john dickinson of pennsylvania who kept urging caution to reconcile, where was do we is it even possible to reconstruct public opinion during this period? yeah. so this is a big thing that scholars are working on and it's it's hard and we do have to do some broad generalized with the numbers. but i think, you know, generalizing broadly, we think that around 20% are very hard core loyalists. they're going to stick with, you know, the king no matter what we think around 30% or so as of july 76 are strongly patriot, you know, pro in american independence. that leaves about 50% of the american population. and that's kind of on the fence. it's not clear which side they're going to go to. but another way of thinking of that is that there's a vast majority of people are not supporting american independence at. the point of the declaration, and that's why it had to be a persuasive document. and

today was a supposed to have been a national day of celebration in john adams vision. that is, it was on this day in 1776 at the continental congress, actually approved the resolution that declared the united states a free nation, no longer part of the british empire. adams believed that the second day of july 1776 will be the most memorable in the history of america. as it turned out, we now celebrate the day, the 4th of july, that congress told the world of its brave action with the declaration of independence this afternoon, elizabeth mitchell will tell us about another symbol of our independence, the statue of liberty. lady liberty stands in new york harbor as a welcoming beacon for those who come to our shores in search of the american dream. our guests will reveal how lady liberty herself came to our shores. before we get into this afternoon's program, i'd like to tell you about some exciting things coming up here at the national archives in the next few days on friday, our annual independence day celebration will begin at 10 a.m. on the constant fusion avenue st

john adams said that -- without institutions and without patience and humility, these virtues that are so missing, that we are all craven political beasts, basically. that's what he said. so look. what i hear the most often is, i hear a little more from the left than the right. but from the left i hear, why would i engage with those people? who hate everything about me, disagree with who i am as person, lgbtq community, why would i engage with those people whoan they don't give me the respect or dignity of humanity. and the answer actually is and the studies were clear, first of all, it's the only way to get them to change hearts and minds and engage in their humanity. when we engage it never changes minds. it never works. but it feels good to us. it feels good on social media. we get that dopamine hit. it gets eyeballs. >> not the atlantic but other media. we are of no party. governor cox: this is true. i'm grateful to be a token conservative on the stable. [applause] >> we love republicans who quote atlantic writers back to us. that's why you were invited. governor cox: it goes again

congress should make no law and john adams, he is not quite there for all of this. you missed the memo and so ms.,. and, he has thrown out on his butt. of these by the american people. the only american president who is most today threats from just one but to visit extreme filter and media outlets have been my voice. from state and local governors. think about how it's good to help this is mutual. the revolutionary war, against central government. there is no congress making no law and militias and jerseys and the fifth amendment grand jury. this is his story. sometimes it's very challenging and that is a mistake because they start with the press and jefferson does not fully understand. it is a capital offense in many states to slavery. republican parties are out slot in the 18 these more the communist party of your was in the 1950s. abraham lincoln is not to be on the ballot in effect south of virginia. he gets zero popular. not electoral. zero. look it up in wikipedia. zero popular votes. he already outlawed them. they came is a result of this and they said since.

when john adams put his pen down after adding his signature to the declaration, he turned to those present, and he said to them, sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, from this day on, i am with my country. i'm going to make -- [applause] i'm going to make that same pledge to you today, so that i can stand before you as every leader should stand before you, free of partisan allegiance, free from the back room deals, servant only to my conscience, to my creator, and to you. today we turn a new page in american politics. there have been independent candidates in this country before, but this time is going to be different. because this time, the independent is going to win. [applause] three-quarters of americans believe that president biden is too old to govern effectively. president trump faces multiple civil and criminal trials. both of them have favorability ratings that are deep in negative territory. that's what two-party politics has given us, and that's why we need to pry loose from the hammer lock of the corrupt powers in washington, d.c., and make this nation ours again. but

. >> in an official sense, there are people in the congress, especially john adams, that thought july 2nd was a magical day. that is the day that they pass the resolution bill. it shows how powerful the declaration was. this document, could have been real plain. it could have served a purpose that was just a sentence or two. it could have been real plain, served a basic purpose of -- , >> one sentence? >> yeah. it could have just been that resolution reprinted.

>> the people in congress, especially john adams, thought july 2nd was the day. that was the day that they passed the resolution so it makes sense. it shows how powerful the declaration was. this document, it could have been real plain and served a basic purpose, it could have been a sentence or two. the fact that it had inspirational language that was carried over centuries, we are coming up on the 250th anniversary, it is remarkable that we do associate july 4th as our start date. >> i hope we can do this again. this has been fun. thank you for listening, watching to this episode of history as it happens. >> weekends on c-span to our intellectual fees. every saturday american history tv documents american stories it brings you the latest in books and authors. funding comes from the television companies and more including cost. yeah. yeah. good morning, folks. good morning, everybody. welcome. welcome to our semesters. final class of the american 1990s. it's good to see you all this morning. today we are going to take up the contested zakk heists of the 1990 and

who was it in france and england who were taking the ideas of adam smith, john locke and putting them into practice yet variety of individuals in france, one of the most prominent individuals was a gentleman, frederick bastia, who was an economist in france. also a member of the french national assembly for, a time bastia devoted himself primarily to cause of free trade in. france he thought that restriction on imports, when government sought to meddle with domestic production at home in order to expand and certain industries that was economically foolish and also a unjust usurpation of individual liberty. and so he dedicated himself at first to this narrowly economic of defending free trade, but a curious thinker that he was he soon to believe that the moral and economic basis which free trade stood actually had implications. a much wider range of governmental and economic questions than first it seemed. so it gradually evolved into kind of overall economics of liberty. in bastiat terms in britain, you had the, i think the primary driver of libertarian ideas in britain was spencer, w

we should privileged facts because as john adams said facts are, stubborn things and dead, unfortunately. and today, america facts are a lot less stubborn. they are than they have been in the past. if we did that, if we listened to other if we focused on arguments, if we let the other side talk and we talk and we treated everyone decency and respect, that our elected leaders could get together and find real solutions for our problems. you know, they would together. and what obama about transcending red blue might become a reality. i that may sound like a pipe dream today, but that kind of discussion where we listen to each other has in the past and i have that we can get there once again in a way that's what training for this maybe made it in obama's. when you ran for reelection in 2012, it was a bad economic time. and he and his convention acceptance speech, he he he explained why he was optimistic. he talked about you as optimist again and again. and then he said, let me tell you why i'm optimistic. i'm not because of me, but of all of you. and that attitude that it is in the hands of

i mean, i think an official, you know, the people in the congress, especially john adams, thought that july 2nd was the magic day because adams was always a yes, because that's the day they passed the resolution independence. and so it kind of makes sense, but it shows how powerful the declaration was that this document, which could have been just, you know, real plain and just kind of served a basic purpose. one sentence, yeah, it could have been a sentence or two. it could have just been that resolution know, reprinted the fact that it did this inspirational language that is carried over centuries, we're coming on the 250th anniversary of it. it is kind of remarkable that we do associate july 4th as our start start date. yeah, i guess, i'm three years early on the. oh well we can do this again. denver brunsman. yeah it's good watching this have been fun everyone. thank you for listening watching to this episode of yeah. yeah. good morning, folks. good morning, everybody. welcome. welcome to our semesters. final class of the american 1990s. it's good to see you all this morning. today

. >> in an official sense, there are people in the congress, especially john adams, that thought july 2nd was a magical day. that is the day that they pass the resolution bill. it shows how powerful the declaration was. this document, could have been real plain. it could have served a purpose that was just a sentence or two. it could have been real plain, served a basic purpose of -- , >> one sentence? >> yeah. it could have just been that resolution reprinted. the fact that it did have the desperation a language that is carried over, coming up, 250th anniversary of it, it is kind of remarkable that we do associate july 4th with this date. >> yeah. i guess i'm three years early on this. it has been fun. everyone, thank you for listening and watching to this level set of "history as it happens." yeah. yeah. good morning, folks. good morning, everybody. welcome. welcome to our semesters. final class of the american 1990s. it's good to see you all this morning. today we are going to take up the contested zakk heists of the 1990 and we'll examine and discuss several ways in >> america 199

the union, i am sorry, the army of tennessee officer corps, including patrick labor, john brown, john adams, and others. the huge number of brigade commanders had become casualties as well, and also included among the dead and wounded were 68 field officers, including commanders of 55 regiments, 12 of them in the division. remains unclear whether hood comprehended the incredible loss of senior commanders in the afternoon assaults , along with the obvious damage to his army command structure. and yet, it seems entirely certain that hood in the hours and days and weeks after franklin must have reflected on the sequence of actions and decisions that led his army to this valley of the shadow of death in the key role he and others played in charging that course towards ultimate disaster. thinking about the scene on the night of that battle, walt whitman comes to my. he wrote, the shadowy forms of men and horses looming, large sized flickering. and the sky, far out of reach, breaking out the eternal stars. like his anonymous army huddled beneath the stars, the 204 is -- opposing forces of frankli