Northwestern University I Li.
ILLiad TN: 933026 Wl||||l(l
It is true that what we know to be an important section
of the German people Himmler calls “Bolsheviks, interna-
The document which follows is the amazing and con-
clusive proof that the Opposition to Nazism exists, is dan-
gerously strong, and that Nazism is arming not only for a
foreign war of conquest but against the German people in
time of foreign war. The author is Himmler, not only head
of the police, but actually the man next to Hitler. The oath
taken by his troops is an oath to Hitler and Himmler. And
it is Himmler who informs us of the plans of a special army
to be used against the German people.
Introduction
Fascism, and its blood-brother Nazism, arc the enemies
of the people. We know this to be a fact despite plebiscites
in which the vote is more than 99 percent in favor of the
dictator. We know that Fascism is the enemy of the people
even if the people really believe as they vote.
We also know that Fascism means war. We already
have many proofs: we have seen Reaction, which is another
word for Fascism and Nazism, forcing foreign wars in
Ethiopia, in China, Austria and Spain.
We also know that the Fascist nations arc nations in
arms against their own people as well as against their neigh-
bors. One man in Italy out of ten is a spy. The police
system of Italy costs ten times what it docs in France, a
democratic nation of equal population. In Germany the
police and spy system is growing year by year. It is a fact
that there are more persons employed in police and espionage
departments of the reactionary nations than there are persons
who are known to belong to the opposition.
tional Jews, Freemasons and subhumans,’ but all this re
baiting anti-semitism and name-calling cannot hide the facts
he admits.
' C J. V S’
He admits, in short, that in the next war he is preparing
a special army. Hitler will look after the three great fronts:
t >4 1
1 i
Heinrich Himmler, right hand man of Hitler, second in power
to Hitler and Chief of the German Secret State Police, commonly
known as the "Gestapo,” delivered the following speech at a secret
meeting of the German Army General Staff in Berlin last September.
This speech was smuggled out of Germany, and has been
published only once before, in the German language, by the Social
Democratic “Neue Vorwaerts” in Prague.
This speech gives grudging testimony to the effectiveness and
importance of the underground opposition to the Nazis. The
American Committee for Anti-Nazi Literature has contributed moral
and financial support to this underground movement.
The editors wish to emphasize from the outset that in a fascist
totalitarian dictatorship, the underground movement consists of all
those who are oppressed by this rule, — which is the majority of the
people, — and whose stifled voice can find expression only through
so-called illegal underground channels. There is therefore no need
for law-abiding citizens of a democracy like the United States to
be shocked by the words “underground," or "illegal,” if uttered in
connection with the German Third Reich.
This document, furthermore, throws a new light on the now
superficially patched-up conflict between parts of the General Staff
and; the Himmler-led fraction of the Nazi Party. Obviously, this
speech, antedating the Feb. 4, 1938 dismissals of the 18 generals,
shows Himmler making unsuccessful attempts to woo the generals
to support him in building a special Nazi-led Police group with
power over and above that of tne military.
The reader will be astonished by the fact that in a speech before
high ranking officers, well acquainted with the real nature of the
Nazi system, Himmler sticks to the use of demagogic appeals, (racial-
ism, fake anti-bolshevism, etc.,) which are ordinarily used to mislead
the whole German people. Therefore, many things which Himmler
finds praiseworthy as example of Nazi “humanitarianism," must be
taken with the necessary grain of salt.
The editors wish to state that the awkwardness and confusion
in the style of the English translation is due to the German original,
the full flavor of which the editors did not want to lose. The
illogical twists of the German speech are nothing more than a re-
flection of the true nature of the warped minds of the Nazi leaders.
As a ^matter of fact, the apparent logical development of the speech
is due mainly to the cutting out of many of the distracting historical,
technical and theoretical allusions which Himmler makes, and which
are not germane to the~rnain thesis. The cuts were necessitated by
the limited space of the pamphlet, due to the limited funds of the
Committee. (If the publication of the speech is well received, we
hope to publish a new edition, incorporating all those bits of Nazi-
mania now omitted.)
Phrases in brackets supplying factual information are the editors’,
except when indicated otherwise.
The footnotes aim to further explain, where necessary, references
made by Himmler which might be misleading to the reader.
The Editors.
Gentlemen:
I shall first discuss the origin, organization and the
scope of the tasks of the SS,1 then the organization and
the tasks of the police, and lastly, the cooperation of the
SS with the police and the all important and absolutely vital
question of security inside the country.
The SS originated during the early days of the (Nazi)
movement in 1923, and was subsequently outlawed and
dissolved (by the government of the Republic) under the
name of Hitler’s Assault Guard on November 9, 1923.
(The day of the Munich Beer Cellar Putsch.) Later on,
in 1929, about eight years ago, I received orders from Der
Fuehrer, to take over the entire Reich leadership of the SS,
which numbered at that time about 250 men, and to turn
them into an absolutely dependable, elite organization of
the Party.
Of course I approached that question as a National
Socialist. I wish to dwell at some length on the meaning
of this statement. I am ideologically convinced that, in the
last analysis and in the long run, only good blood will bring
about the highest achievements. Moved by this conviction,
I undertook the above mentioned task.
HIMMLER'S IDEOLOGY
Accordingly, it must be true that indeed only the good
blood, according to our conception of history, is to be con-
sidered as blood, leading, creative, and capable of support-
ing the State, — particularly in its soldierly aspect, — and that
means our Nordic blood.
* SS, Schutzstaffel, Special Guard of the Nazi Party and Govern*
ment, dressed in black uniforms.
[ 6 ]
I said to myself: “If I succeed in recruiting from among
the German people into one organization the greatest pos-
sible number of men with a large percentage containing that
desired blood and subject them to soldierly discipline, gradu-
ally filling them with the conviction of the value of their
blood and the underlying ideology which is derived there-
from, then it should also be possible to actually create a
selective organization which could weather any storm.”
To begin with, I demanded a certain height. I never
accepted anybody below 1/70M (6 ft.) because, I want
you to understand, I know that men whose height reaches
a certain number of inches, must, somehow or other, have the
desired blood. Of course in all these cases one must not
go to extremes by saying that men whose height is below
that measure cannot have that blood. That is a matter of
course. The probability of obtaining the right personnel is,
however, greatly increased by seeking among men of this
particular height.2
Now comes a further factor. It is not sufficient if
I take anybody who is just tall, but even at that time we
began to obtain photographs. There were 100 or 150, up
to 200 people a year whom we were able to accept. Of
all of them, I, personally, have seen their photographs, and
I figured: “Is there, in the face of this man, pretty certain
indications of foreign blood? That is, too high cheek bones,
about whom one commonly says, ‘He looks Mongolian or
Slavic?’ ” Slavic, by the way, is only a colloquial expression.
Today, — and this brings me to the conclusion of the
question of selection, — we accept the young man at the
age of 18. We know him from the Hitler Youth Movement,
where he has spent several years, so that we really get only
the best man. At the age of 18, he comes to us as an
applicant. He has to go through the most rigorous examin-
ations and re-examinations. Out of 100 men, we can use
2 Der Fuehrer himself, as well as Himmler, are below six feet.
on the average only? 10 or 15, and no more. We demand
a certificate of good political character of his rparents, bn>
thers and sisters. Today, we further demand his pedigree
back to 1750. We naturally demand a health examination
and his Hitler-Youth diploma. Furthermore, we demand
a certificate of hereditary health to show that there have
been no hereditary diseases in the family. As the final and
most important prerequisite, we demand that he pass before
the Race Commission. This Board of Examiners is composed
of SS leaders, race specialists, and doctors . . .
EXPECTS INCREASING OPPOSITION
I now come to the question of the Death's Head Bat-
talions . . . The Death’s Head Battalions originated among
the guards of the concentration camps. On this point I
wish to quote some figures. We still have in Germany
today, the following concentration camps; and here I want
to add that I don’t believe that they are decreasing, but
that I am of the opinion that, in certain cases, they will
have to increase:
1. Dachau near Munich.
2. Sachsenhausen near Berlin. This is the former
Camp Esterwcge. The latter I dissolved in accordance with
the declarations of the Reich Labor Leader Hierl, and of
the Department of Justice, to the effect that it is wrong
to tell one man that work in the moor, or fertilization of the
soil, is a matter of honor,3 and on the other hand, to send
another man there as prisoner with the words, “Listen here,
you mug, I am going to teach you manners. I am sending
you to the moor.” That is indeed illogical, and after six
or nine months, I dissolved the Camp Esterwege and trans'
fered it to Sachsenhausen in the neighborhood of Oranien-
burg.
3 Himmler here refers to the activity of the compulsory Labor Ser-
vice, in which young Germans are forced to do hard labor without
Itti/IV--'
3. There is a camp in Lichtcnburg near Torgau.
4. A camp in -Bachsenburg near Chemnitz.
5. And several smaller camps.4
’ There are about 8,000 prisoners under protective arrest.
The reasons why we must have that many political prisoners
andl why we will have an even larger number, I shall ex'
plain at once.
HIMMLER'S FEARS
We used to have an efficiently organized KPD.’
This KPD was crushed in 1933. One part of the function'
aries went abroad. Another part we had caught among
the extremely large number of those arrested in 1933. Due
to my very exact knowledge of bolshevism, I have always
been against the release of these people from the camps.
We must be clear about this. The broad masses of the,
working people are absolutely susceptible to National Social'
ism and its State, as long as they are not brought under the
influence of different ideas coming from those well instruct'
ed, accurately prepared and financially well subsidized
organizers.6 The thing is clear: Anyone who has been
a communist for years, is still susceptible to communist
propaganda today, even if he has been a communist for
reasons of his idealism. There is, however, no danger, as
long as there is no propagandist living on his block or in
his suburb, supplying him regularly with subversive material.
Upon pressure from the Ministry, (of Justice,) we dismissed,
in 1933, a great number of political prisoners in Prussia
and other states. In Bavaria, however, I, personally, at
least, did not yield and did not release my prisoners.7 During
4 The last Nazi official accounting of political prisoners in prisons,
penitentiaries and concentration camps was given as of May 1936,
and showed 205,000 men and women thus incarcerated.
5 The initials KPD refer to the Communist Party of Germany.
6 Himmler contemptuously believes that people cannot become
critical of the Nazi regime through their own experiences.
7 Himmler was Police Commissioner of Bavaria at the beginning of
the Nazi regime.
[ 9 ]
$sk~iM i
2-3*
•V -la
T *
Ik
• • 5
j9b' * A
HHA
of the illegal KPD. You never saw anything about that in
the papers. However, the work has been going on very
actively. That cannot be denied, because on the other side,
— on the side of the Russian Cominterft, — there is a lot of
money available which is being used here. The GPU,10
which is the seat of all that propaganda, has a fund of 1.3
billions of gold marks, not a bad fund at all.11
These people and these monies are launched against
Europe over and over again. The main centers of that
activity are abroad. We are surrounded by countries which
permit communist activity and do not interfere and thereby
necessarily further that activity.
We are situated in the heart of Europe. That, on one
hand, is positively a point in our favor and of immense
historical importance, because we also form the heart of
mankind. On the other hand, however, this central, location
is a great weakness in many respects.12
FRIENDLY INVITATION
It would be extremely valuable and instructive, — and
I have already made this possible for a few gentlemen in
the Army, — to pay occasional visits to such a concentration
camp. Once you have seen that, you leave with the con-
viction that none of the inmates have been placed there
unjustly. There can be no more convincing proof of the
validity of the Laws of Heredity as expounded by Dr. Guett, '
than such a concentration camp.15 You find people
there with hydrocephalus, crosseyed and deformed ones,
10 The GPU, now the Department of the Interior of the Soviet
Union, is concerned with the internal affairs of that country.
1 1 Approximately 400 million dollars, — the heated imagination of '
Himmler.
12 18 the thin excuse for Nazi interference and aggression against
smaller nations neighboring on Germany.
15 Men like Ossietzky, bearer of the Nobel Peace Prize, recently
tortured to death by the Nazis; artists, writers, students, professors
and others, are in German concentration camps.
[ 11 ]
half Jews, and a lot; of other cheap trash fromjla racial point
of view. Such are! the types lumped together .'there;
Education generally proceeds by means of discipline,
never by instruction in ideology, because the prisoners are,
to a large extent, made up of slave souls. Only a few of
them are people with reaUharacter. These slave Souls would
simulate everything you demand of them, would repeat like
monkeys everything they read in the Voelkischer Beobachter,
but in reality they would remain what they were before.
Consequently, education proceeds by means of discipline.
another nation so humane. Laundry is frequently being
changed and the people are being taught to wash twice a
day and familiarized with the use of a toothbrush, which
most of them had never known before. I repeat, you can-
not. imagine these types without having seen them.
Such is the type of people whom you find in the con-
centration camps. The chief part of their education proceeds
by means of discipline,— exacting discipline. It is quite
natural that when a mans superior appears, he has to lift
his cap and stand still. It goes without saying that the
greeting, “Heil Hitler,” is forbidden. When the men are
marching, it is quite natural for them to sing as soon as
they make the first step. It is also understood that no
national songs are to be sung, but only folk and wanderers’
songs. All these things must proceed in absolutely rigid,
soldierly discipline and order.
HIMMLER PITIES PRISON GUARDS
The supervision of the camps is
Death's Head Battalions. It is impossibl
tfon previously made, i. e., to take married men for that
kind of job, because no state could afford to pay the bill.
-1' It is moreover necessary to have a relatively high number of
.these supervisory troops,— there are at present 3,500 in
•'•Germany, — because there is no service as debilitating and
as exhausting as the supervision of these bums and criminals.
The better class of criminals is working in the work*
shops. If one of them is to be released, it is done only
after having procured work for him on the outside. Here
again, one must be generous. It is senseless to release a
man, to send him back into misery and to let him starve. The
prisoners family is being taken care of by the NS relief
and other charitable organizations, so that his dependents
would not have to starve.14 Again these are factors which are
only possible in Germany. Other nations would not do
such a thing. 1T
IN THE CONCENTRATION CAMPS
• The camps are encircled by barbed wire,— electrified
barbed wire. It is understood that shooting is, in order
if a man enters a forbidden zone or steps on a forbidden
path. In the moor or anywhere else, if anybody makes
the faintest effort to escape,— shooting is in order. If a
man is impertinent and disobedient,— and there have been
cases at tijnes, at least attempts of that sort have occurred,
he is either put into solitary confinement, a dark cell
with bread and water, or,— I beg you not to get frightened,
I have followed the Prussian penitentiary laws from 1914
to 1918,— he may get, in the worst case, 25 strokes (with
the whip.)
M ,iC: The fami>ics would starve if the sympathy ol
the people did not come to the help of these unfortunates 7
Himmler’s “consideration" is actually based on the fact that nc
permiSon^h ^ his Job without official
permission. It is therefore a simple matter for the Nazis tr
control the actions of any individual, without incurring the cost'
of prison maintenance to the State. 8 COSti
Any cruelties, sadistic things, as so frequently reported
in the foreign press,3 are completely out of the question.
First of all, that typj: of punishment can be inhicted only
under the supervision of the general inspector of all iamps,
not even by the camp commander; secondly, the punishment
is administered before a commission of guards, so that there
is always a train of at least 20 or 24 people present; and
finally, there is a doctor, and a secretary to take the minutes
of the procedure. One can hardly demand more precision.15
Here too, I should like to state that these things are
necessary, otherwise one could never keep these criminals
under control. We are convinced that in the case of war,
we shall be compelled to arrest a considerable number of
unreliable elements if we do not want to create the soil for
highly disagreeable developments.
WWIm,
whoih we shall guarantee the safety in the interior. We
shall dwell on that subject later.
This brings me to the question of the Protective Service.
This is the great ideological Safety and Intelligence Service
of the Party, and, ultimately, of the State itself. In 1931,
I separated this Protective Service from the ordinary SS
organizations, because I believe that the earlier form of organ-
ization was bad. On one hand, secrecy was endangered;
on the other, the individual or the units were prone to
engage in political discussions of everyday topics.17 The'
principle of the.SS has been from the beginning: “We are
not interested in everyday problems. We trust implicitly
all the leaders appointed by our Fuehrer. And every leader
recalled by our Fuehrer we remove relentlessly.18 For the
only command that counts is the command of our Fuehrer.”
EYES CENTURIES; FEET IN QUICKSAND
Besides that, we are interested only in ideological
questions of significance for decades and centuries, so that
every man is lifted above mundane problems, and knows
that he serves a great task which happens to come up only
once in 2000 years. The daily questions of the nature as
to whether the local groups are correctly organized, or
whether everything is done correctly in the Labor Front,
is not of interest to the SS man. Right or wrong, it does
not interest him.
We are interested in knowing: What are the broad
plans of the Comintern for the coming years,— which
country does- it expect to tackle next; what bolshevist in-
fluences are making themselves felt in freemasonry; what
is the run of things there; where are the big emissaries
going at present? What organizational plans do they have
17 brute *forcc ^ ^WayS a^rait* political discussions and prefer
18 A reference to the murders of General Schleicher and Captain
Roehm on June 30 ,1934, and a forewarning to the generals
which materialized Feb. 4, 1938. B
[ 1* 1
WWW’
! -2
r-f.
for Germany; from what angle do they attack it; hdiw does
bolshevism tie up with the Confessional Church, and why
does bolshevism, although formerly atheistic, suddenly sup-
port these religious leaders, — how is that possible all of a
sudden? On the other hand, we want to know: What
economic influence do the Jews exert, — again viewed as a
general plan, — what is their influence on wrecking, sabotage
and speculation? These things are being studied scientifically,
and, — here the term fits, — in general staff style.19 These
studies often last for years and are in many respects still
in the elementary stage.
PRESENT DAY TROUBLES
I am now going to deal with' the police and its compo'
sition. The police today is subdivided into the ordinary
police, — which is uniformed, — and the Security Service. The
Security Service is composed of criminal police and secret
state police. In 1933 we took over a wild mess. We can
safely say this. A police whose most decent elements were
humiliated, where the officer had been deprived of his
sabre and the common policeman was given a rubber hose;
a police made up of people with penal records and of
absolute Marxists. A police which could not dare to tackle
any real crime, because immediately the League For Human
Rights, the Peace Society and similar organisations inter'
fered and because glorification of crime was the order of
the day. Such was the system of planned, spiritual bolshe'
vization.20
On July 17, 1936, I became the Chief of the German
Police, including the entire German Police force, together
with all its auxiliary organizations. I therefore may be
$
r
It is incomprehensible to an ordinary sane person how Himmler
who knows that the generals can see through his demagogy, tries
to educate them with the same balderdash with which the Nazis
propagandize the average German person.
20 T,*?.c . German Police under the Republic were noted for their
efficiency.
[ 16 ]
permitted to explain to you my approach to my task and
hcrtv I still see it today.
Very much depends on the Uniformed Police. In case
of war, for example, perhaps the entire protection from air
attacks depends upon the police. The other organizations
are only auxiliary. For such protection, however, I need
people who are flexible and who really understand and
know something.
I shall soon complete the composition of the police as
far as possible from among the discharged men of the
Provisional Troops and the Death’s Head Battalions. I
shall complete the Police Officers Corps from among the
SS leaders coming to the police via the two Schools for
Leaders at Toelz and Braunschweig, and the Provisional
Troops. This brings me to an important question: I am
fighting hard in order that the Police Officers Corps should
not be considered as an inferior officers’ corps. (Inferior
to the military.) That happens very easily and has also
happened in the past.
military enemy, but also the ideological enemy. - The enemy
I am referring to is, of course, our international enemy:
Bolshevism, led by international Jews and freemasons. We
can always expect that danger to crop up wherever Jewish
bolshevism has been assured of authoritative influence.
Obviously, danger will come from those countries which
are either under the leadership or influence of Jews, free-
masons, or bolshevists, and are therefore hostile toward
Germany.
We therefore put the question in this way: Who, in
case of war, would constitute an enemy; who is the ideol-
ogical enemy, — that is, who is under Jewish freemasonric
influence? At the same time, we must be convinced of
the following: Bolshevism is the organization of the sub-
human. (Untermensch) It is the absolute centralization of
Jewish rule; it is the exact opposite of everything which is
sacred and dear to an Aryan People.22
22 Himmler continues the old bogey of identification of Jews and
Communists.
[ 18 ]
GERMAN SUPERIORITY
The (Jewish-Freemasonric) movement is, in its entirety,
directed against White Mankind, and in the main, also
against the rejuvenated Germany, for which all hope had
already been abandoned in the belief that Germany had
been done away with. The most important thing, however,
is the fact that our people must be imbued with the deep
ideological conviction and recognition of the idea that our
people, a minority of 70 millions in the heart of Europe,
could maintain itself only because it is of inherently superior
quality to the other people.
And that brings me again to what I said in the begin-
ning about the Racial Question. We are more valuable
than the others, who exceed us in numbers, and will always
exceed us in the future. We are more valuable, because our
blood enables us to be more originally inventive than the
others, to lead our men more effectively than the others,
because it enables us to be better soldiers, better statesmen,
to develop a higher culture and to have better characters.
Let us be quite clear on this point: We can stand
the test of the coming decades only if we are a people tho-
roughly imbued with the belief in our superiority, in our
own power, and are capable of proving our power.
FORCES IN THE HINTERLAND
I have already talked about the ideological penetration
of our entire people in case of war. If this war should
break out earlier than anyone of us believes, or even desires;
if war breaks out at all, we must be aware of the fact that
there will always remain among the German people, a
rabble which will furnish the nuclei for the Comintern.
We must in all events be equipped to meet that danger,
this war in the hinterland, and must at all times be aware
of the fact that to neglect this enemy inside the country,
would lead to general defeat.
This is the way I see our tasks in case of war: The
police would, of course, and that I regard as their duty,
be in the position to release part of their men, — at most
15,000 or 20,000, and no more, — for the army as soldiers.
I have altogether 80,000 to 90,000 uniformed police. 1 In
releasing part of this force to the army at the fronts, we ,
must consider that a great number of the uniformed police
is above 45 or at least 40 years old, so that if I release
15,000 to 20,000 men of the remainder, I really give up
the cream of this police. I can replace these men through
people over 55 or 60 by reactivizing them in an emergency
case.
This is possible, however, only if I have special troops
for emergency detail which I can use for activities also on
a large scale. These are the Death's Head Battalions.
I can, generally speaking, manage matters with this
police force of older people. With these 45 year old civil-
would be called to join the
STRATEGY OF SUPRESSION .
Therefore, the Death’s Head Battalions will be placed
in every Administrative District in Germany. The follow'
ing measures have been taken in that connection:
Firstly, no Brigade is placed in its native District.
That is, a Brigade of Pomerania will never be called to
serve in Pomerania.
Secondly, every Brigade is to change after three
weeks service.
Thirdly, members of the Brigade are never to be sent
into the streets singly. No man is ever to display his
Death's Head Insignia in public. That is out of the
question.
Once these measures are resorted to, they must be
carried through relentlessly. There can be no other con-
sideration. Otherwise we would have to reckon with all
sorts of eventualities, such as parachute jumps, placement
of saboteurs and of daring venturesome groups of 16 or
20 men, who, with the support of a communist fraction,
might gain a firm hold in a munitions factory. If these
measures are not provided for, we cannot manage the
situation with such a small number of men.
One question which looms large in our perspective is
the following: During hard times, only those people who
are not occupied are dissatisfied and tend to grumble. If
we give every woman and every girl a task, then we can
guarantee a smaller amount of grumbling.
WHOM TO TRUST
In conclusion, I should be permitted to say one more
thing. I can manage the above mentioned affairs with the
officers corps of the ordinary police and the men of the
Security Service whom I naturally cannot release in case of
war, and with the men and the leaders of the Death s Head
Battalions, only if I really have valuable and decent people.
That means we have to provide for an arrangement whereby
the Provisional Units, which will be at the front, will
provide me with a continuous exchange of men who have
been wounded at the front or have been there for a con*
siderable time, in exchange for such men and officers from
the police or the Death’s Head Battalions, as will subset
quently take the others' place at the front. Otherwise, I
either shall not obtain any reliable characters for these
Home Formations and, as a result, will not be able to fulfill
the proposed task, or we would become witnesses to the
appearance of rebellions as we had during the World War
among the personnel of the navy, because they had never
been in actual combat.
Such an occurrence must be avoided and for that
reason, this circular rotation has been planned in the in'
ternal apparatus. Every SS leader of the Provisional Units,
— we have approximately 300 who graduate from Toeh
and Braunschweig every year, — enters the Security Police
for half a year in order to become a reserve officer in that
force. I can use these people very well. For example,
if one of them is wounded and loses one arm, he can
remain at home and perform excellent service.21
2J Can Himmler rely upon so few of the German people in case of
war that he would have to utilize cripples for want of whole men?
The understanding of this comple
nization must penetrate everywhere,
eption of that front
ly new type or
and likewise the
in the hinterland, which will mean
the life or death of the German People, if ever we arc
called upon to give proof of our strength. The positive
solution of this question of safety in the interior is the task
of the SS and the police. This is the command of Der
Fuehrer. We are embarking upon this matter with the
utmost seriousness and are well aware of the fact that it is no
minor task, and we are further convinced that only the best
ideological education and racial selection will enable us to
bring this task to a successful conclusion.
ONCE IN 2.000 YEARS
I have given you this short outline in order to show
the tasks of the SS and the police. I ask you who are
present today, as I have done at the end of every report
delivered before the officers of the army: Try to realize
the scope of this matter, of this range of ideas which may
seem novel at times, and try to create understanding of
them wherever possible.
Let us all be clear on one thing: The coming decades
will bring not merely some international conflict, which
Germany may or may not be able to surmount, but they
will bring about the final combat of the previously men-
tioned subhuman enemy throughout the entire world against
Germany as a symbol of the Nordic Race, against the Ger-
man People as the core of the Germanic Races, and against
Germany as the exponent of human culture. The coming
decades will decide the life or death of White Mankind, of
which we are the vanguard.
But we have the conviction: We are fortunate to live
in an era which recurs once in 2,000 years, in which an
Adolf Hitler is bom, and we have the conviction that we
shall surmount all dangers at all times, because we are all
cooperating with each other and because everybody is ful-
filling his assignment in the spirit of that conviction.
THE END
I
i L a isifcij. •
AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR ANTI-NAZI LITERATURE
Suite 302, 20 Vesey Street New York City — REctor 2-5867
Chairman:
WILLIAM E. DODD, Jr.
Acting Treasurer:
S. D. DOUGLIS
Executive Secretary:
LEONARD S. BELLER
Sponsors :
Advisors on Anti-Nazi
Literature
PRINCE HUBERTUS
ZU LOEWENSTEIN
(German Catholic Leader)
DR. KURT ROSENFELD
(Former Minister of
Justice In Prussia)
Carleton Beals
T. A. Bisson
Harriet Stanton Blatch
Anita Block
S. John Block
Dr. Barrett H. Clark
Prof. Thomas C. Cochran
Malcolm Cowley
Kate Crane-Gartz
Dr. Walter Damrosch
Prof. John Dewey
Dr. John Lovejoy Elliott
Dr. H. C. Engelbrecht
Prof. Walter Gellhorn
Martha Graham
Prof. Albert Guerard
Prof. Alice Hamilton
Moss Hart
Lillian D.
I. A. Hlrschmann
Rockwell Kent
Dorothy Kenyon
Prof. Wm. H. Kilpatrick
Freda Kirchwey
Justice Anna M. Kross
Judge S. D. Levy
Prof. Eduard C. Llndeman
Prof. R. M. Maclver
Annie Nathan Meyer
Henry Moskowitz
Lewis Mumford
Dr. Henry Neumann
Prof. Frederick L. Schuman
Roslka Schwlmmer
Dr. Abba Hillel Silver
Lee Simonson
Carl Van Doren
Wald
THE AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR ANTI-NAZI
LITERATURE
was formed for two purposes:
1. To bring to this country
news and material regarding the
actual state of affairs in Nazi
Germany in order to help pre-
serve American democracy by
enlightening the American people
as to the true nature of Nazism.
The foregoing pamphlet is a
sample of this work.
2. In order to help the
heroic opposition movement in
Germany which is working in
a common front to establish in
Germany a true democratic re-
gime. Since this fight, by the
very nature of Nazi totalitarian-
ism, can only be an underground
fight, this Committee is helping
the German underground move-
ment through financial support.
The money thus sent is ear-
marked for the publication of
anti-Nazi material which is part-
ly printed in Germany, partly
printed outside the Third Reich,
and distributed in Germany.
The American Committee for
Anti-Nazi Literature solicits con-
tributions for its work. The
underground fight for freedom
and peace in Germany is a fight
in the interest of world freedom
and world peace. That even
the Nazis recognize this fact is
proven by the Himmler speech
you have just read.
This struggle gets to the roots
of the Nazi evil. Therefore,
the value of this literature can-
not be overestimated.
We want to help strengthen
the forces within Germany ready
to throw off the yoke of Na-
zism. WILL YOU HELP?
appeals to all believers in freedom and democracy to
become subscribers and contributors to this movement.
Those who realize the importance of this work and are
in a position to do so are urged to increase the stipulated
subscription fee.
AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR ANTI-NAZI LITERATURE
Name
One year's sustaining membership $25.00
One year's subscribing membership 10.00
6 months' subscribing membership 5.00
We will be glad to mail copies of this pamphlet to your friends.
Send in a check or money order to cover costs together with
their names and addresses.
Checks and subscription to be made
Committee for Anti-Nazi Literature, 20
New York City.