to say to listen that's why i am honored to be joined from new york tonight by none other than bill moyers bill welcome but. my pleasure kind of imagine being anywhere else right now . that's very kind of you you're one of those rare people who have impacted both media and politics it's a remarkable life that you. wish journey of you it's have a smiley a week or so ago you said television isn't rural enough what did you mean by that and how and why did the word liberal a word that george washington was so fond of become a sort of. well i'd actually didn't use the word liberal somebody interpreted what i said to call for television to be public broadcasting to be more liberal with probably a logical conclusion what i said was that we need a greater diversity of voices and television including public television we have far too many establishment voices elite voices the voices of elite journalists to lead experts we don't have enough forces that come outside from outside of the senses because the consensus is a real change ideas come from the margins and and press all of us to reconsider our

. >> bill moyers per >> that is not true. that is absurd. >> let me finish. barry goldwater in my show is on camera. he said, bill morris was behind that. he said, i tried years later after words to talk to bill moyers about it. he thought it was a pretty rotten deal. i tried to talk to bill moyers and he never returned my phone call. susan, his second wife, told me after, bill moyers was in town for something that related to politics. she had occasion to talk to him. bill moyers said it to susan, yes, it was a shame. i tried to get a hold of barry goldwater to talk to him about a lot of times. we could just never beat up. susan was implying that was baloney. >> i can state categorically having a record every memo with how the advertisements were created in 1964 that bill moyers had nothing to do with creating that had it. >> was white house press secretary at the time. >> he wrote memos about the ad. he was involved in the media strategy. he did not create the ad. >> question here. >> the subtitle for your book is "the unmaking of a consensus." i am intereste

the journalists that i know and the investigative reporters and i think the ones that bill moyers is talking about, they're not in that access journalism world. they can talk to people, they can find sources, they can get information, but they're not there--they're very independent. think of the seymour hershes of the world. they're not--they're not--i mean, they may work for a corporation, but you wouldn't call them corporate in any way. >> like i.f. stone? >> yes. >> there's no club that hersh could ever get into. >> [laughter] >> hi. your question. >> hi. my question is that in light of what you've said about investigative journalism today, if the watergate story came up today, how would you investigate it and what would you do differently than you did back then? >> hopefully, we'd be better and faster, but one thing i'm quite confident in that no one would be able to stop it if you had the evidence. >> i think the "post" in that era clearly had the resources, even with the stock going down, to back up the work that was done. it's a different era today. yeah, we do very careful li

it was designed by bill moyers actually. it was a totally do the guy in kind of, you know of a campaign. >> it's important to realize the nuclear stuff didn't come out of nowhere. he made a very strong argument that a craven fear of death had crept into the american psyche and by that he meant people were so afraid of nuclear war that they didn't want to confront the soviet union. well, there was a good reason that people were afraid to confront the soviet union, because all out war with the soviet union would have meant the end of civilization itself. barry goldwater never flinched and it freaked people the heck out. the idea if we're afraid of going to war with the soviet union, even it means nuclear war we're on a path to surrender. that was the frightening notion, especially after the cuban missile crisis when people actually came within hours, or so they thought, of armageddon itself. he did have some very unconventional ideas about the necessity of confronting the soviet union head on with the military. >> we'll talk l

he said, bill moyers was behind that.tried years later after words to talk to bill moyers about it. he thought it was a pretty rotten deal. i tried to talk to bill moyers and he never returned my phone call. susan, his second wife, told me after, bill moyers was in town for something that related to politics. she had occasion to talk to him. bill moyers said it to susan, yes, it was a shame. i tried to get a hold of barry goldwater to talk to him about a lot of times. we could just never beat up. susan was implying that was balogna. >> i can state categorically having a record every memo with how the advertisements were created in 1964 that bill moyers had nothing to do with creating that had it. >> he was white house press secretary at the time. >> he wrote memos about the ad. he was involved in the media strategy. he did not create the ad. >> question here. >> the subtitle for your book is "the unmaking of a consensus." i am interested in what is making a consensus -- what is it that was done made and are we making a ne

. >> it was written by bill moyers. he wrote that.here was a call and response kind of thing that caught on. that was an early one. >> call and response? >> "not senator goldwater." and then the crowd respond. >> senator humphrey had ambitions for the presidency for quite a while. he toyed with it in 1952 and made a real bid in 1960. harry was finally at the convention accepting the vice- presidential nomination. you can see how excited he was about the moment. he earned the nickname "the happy warrior." he loved politics, right? >> he loved politics. he was joyful about politics. he believed it was a way to better the country, to change the country. it was an innocent way. he believed in the american people. he really believed in our system. that was the way for him to change the country. >> another clip, and this was later on in 1974 when hubert humphrey made audiotapes. we're going to use some of those throughout the program. he talks a bit, and this is just one example, of the relationships you referenced. and how it became very t

according to bill moyers the press secretary, quote, the president had to be dragged kicking and screaming to the ceremony. he hated the very idea of the free not information act, hated the thought of journalists rummaging through the government process continuing, he did the challenging, the official view of reality. eight years later, amy and i served with and admired, president ford vetoed a bill that strengthened the freedom of information act. he was a good man, but he saw the strengthening of the freedom of information act would weaken the security of the united states as a young senator ollie was very proud to join those in the senate who overrode president ford's veto. but the debate as some will remember, none of you women here are old enough to remember but joe remembers. [laughter] the struggle to ensure both liberty and security has always been at the heart of our space experiment and will continue to be. the good news is we, the united states in every case eventually air on the side of liberty. because it is stitched into the fabric of our national tapestry because of our fait

according to bill moyers the press secretary, quote, the president had to be dragged kicking and screaminged the very idea of the free not information act, hated the thought of journalists rummaging through the government process continuing, he did the challenging, the official view of reality. eight years later, amy and i served with and admired, president ford vetoed a bill that strengthened the freedom of information act. he was a good man, but he saw the strengthening of the freedom of information act would weaken the security of the united states as a young senator ollie was very proud to join those in the senate who overrode president ford's veto. but the debate as some will remember, none of you women here are old enough to remember but joe remembers. [laughter] the struggle to ensure both liberty and security has always been at the heart of our space experiment and will continue to be. the good news is we, the united states in every case eventually air on the side of liberty. because it is stitched into the fabric of our national tapestry because of our faith in the marketplace of

. >> it was written by bill moyers. he wrote that.here was a call and response kind of thing that caught on. that was an early one. >> call and response? >> "not senator goldwater." and then the crowd respond. >> senator humphrey had ambitions for the presidency for quite awhile. he toyed with it in 1952 and made a real bid in 1960. harry was finally at the convention accepting the vice- presidential nomination. you can see how excited he was about the moment. he earned the nickname "the happy warrior." he loved politics, right? >> he loved politics. he was joyful about politics. he believed it was a way to better the country, to change the country. it was an innocent way. he believed in the american people. he really believed in our system. that was the way for him to change the country. >> another clip, and this was later on in 1974 when hubert humphrey made audiotapes. thosegoing to use some of throughout the program. he talks a bit, and this is just one example, of the relationships you referenced. and how it became very testy bet